the peevish prophet, fret, and fume, and cry out, "We do well to be angry!"

Mr. Burke is conftantly panegyrifing " An"cient inftitutions, and the collected wifdom "of ages:" Nothing in the conduct of the French appears to hurt him more, than their not attending to old forms, and not following old cuftoms. To what I have before suggested, on this part of the fubject, I beg leave to add,

that fo far as inftitutions, or forms, or customs, are of service, we feldom find men willing to part with them: we have all of us various prejudices, in a greater or lefs degree, cleaving to us, which " grow with our growth, and ftreng"then with our ftrength;" and so far as they happen to be on the side of what is useful, or even harmless, let them remain; but no farther conceffion ought ever to be made. Let us refpect ancient inftitutions, and adopt them, if they have been productive of human happiness; but I am fearful, that if we were accurately to examine the collected wifdom of ages, fo far as it refpects the formation of political focieties, it would be found extremely defective. History is little more than a record of the follies and vices of mankind. The bulk of the human race has hitherto been, and is yet in a state of depreffion. Ancient governments feldom regarded

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the rights of men and for this, amongst other reafons, they all ended in ruin. Antiquity, "with her pretended political philofophy, can"not boast one philofopher who questioned the juftice of fervitude, nor with all her pretend"ed public virtue, one philanthropist, who deplored the mifery of flaves*." Inftead of taking a view of different countries, let us confine ourselves to our own. From the invasion of Julius Cæfar to the Revolution, during seventeen centuries, what does the hiftory of GreatBritain prefent? The greater part of that period our ancestors were in a state of abject fervitude. How often have they been made the prey of tyrants? How often have they been led in the field to flaughter, yea, to flaughter each other; to gratify the ambition of defpots, who rewarded the furvivors by pillaging them! At intervals we have fome objects to relieve us. We behold an Alfred raised up by Providence, to fhew to the world what perfection human nature is capable of: but that great man seems to have been exalted to the throne, as a contraft to the generality of our English fovereigns. The liberties of the people have been dearly purchafed, by flow degrees, undaunted courage, conftant ftruggle, and much blood. Since the

* Mackintosh's VINDICIE GALLICE, p. 269.

Revolution, and under the mild government of the house of Hanover, we gratefully acknowledge that we have enjoyed a degree of felicity, unknown to our ancestors. But the reafon is, and let us never forget it; our civil and religious liberties, which were at the Revolution additionally fecured, have produced us, that felicity, and have thus diftinguished us from furrounding nations. But should those nations imbibe that fpirit, which fo animated our forefathers; should they adopt a conftitution which improves upon the excellencies, and avoids the defects of our own; they will arife, and eclipfe us, as we have formerly arifen, and eclipfed them. The French revolution compels us to confider our fituation, and forces us to confefs, that notwithstanding the collected wisdom of ages, fo much boafted, there is still something materially wanting for our fecurity. What has been the happieft of our fituation? Have we not, for this century past, been almoft continually engaged in bloody and expenfive wars? Have we not an enormous national debt, and a load of taxes, which prefs heavy upon the majority of the people? Is there a profpect of either being, in any confiderable degree, leffened? Have we not loft fight of the best principles of government; or rather, are they not derided and de

tefted by many of our public men, both in and out of power? Have not the corruptions of government gradually increased, till they are at laft become so flagrant, that the most sober and serious part of the nation are firmly of opinion, a reformation, or a revolution, muft fhortly take place? We want fomething more than the collected wisdom of ages to relieve us. Let us attend to those first principles, which God has implanted within us, and endeavour to recover those rights which he originally gave us : let us return to those foundation truths expreffed in the French declaration; "The end of all govern"ment is the prefervation of the natural and imprefcriptible rights of man-The principle "of fovereignty refides in the nation-The law "is the expreffion of the general will;" and let us not be afraid to add, The fociety in which "the guarantee of rights is not affured, nor "the feparation of powers determined, has no [proper] conftitution*.”

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But we are told, that the rights of man, introduced in fociety, tend" to unfettle, to dif

turb, to overturn government; that the in"troduction is impracticable." On the contrary, I beg leave to obferve, that it is owing to those rights not having been understood,

*Conftitution, p. 16—19,

and

and practised, that governments have been first unfettled, and in the end overturned. Mr. Burke's remarks, "In every action of impor"tance, a duty is included; our rights imply "our duties;" are perfectly juft, and ought never to be forgotten. The defign of the French declaration was, and is, to remind "All "the members of the focial body of their

rights, and of their duties*." But let it be recollected, that as they are neceffarily and infeparably connected; as the one cannot be understood or practised without the other; the moment we pay a blind flavish obedience to any man, or set of men, that moment we lofe fight both of our rights, and of our duties. When government is founded upon the principles of justice and equity; when "The law is the ex

preffion of the general will;" obedience to that law is the duty of every one; and the perfon who disobeys, is culpable in the fight both of God and man. Obedience will be the more rationally, cheerfully, and conftantly paid, when it is enforced by common consent, than when it is commanded at the will and pleasure of defpotifm. As to the " Impracti"cability" of reforming governments on the principles recommended; I beg leave, seriously,

*

Constitution, p. 15.

+ Conftitution, p. 17.