neither put to hazard the Democratic party, nor have any agency in bringing the election into the House of Representatives, one of the trials to be most deprecated under our Constitution. These, gentlemen, are my views, and if necessary, I beg you to announce them, and to declare me not a candidate, in case there is not reasonable hope that the party will unite in my favor. I do not doubt, that in such an event my friends will abandon all personal predilection, and prove their devotion to principles, by a zealous support of the nominee of the Convention. With great regard, To the Delegates from the State of Michigan, to the Baltimore Convention. The Convention unanimously nominated Mr. Polk for the Presidency, and subsequently Geo. M. Dallas of Pennsylvania for Vice President. The proceedings of the Convention, received from Gen. Cass, his sincere and active support. When the result was known at Detroit, the democracy of that ancient city, overlooking their own disappointment in not having their favorite candidate and fellow, citizen, presented to them, rallied en masse to respond to the no mination, At this meeting Gov. Cass was present and addressed his fellow democrats, enjoining them to support the nominations with their accustomed zeal, and energy. He said "he had come there to take part in the proceedings, to express his hearty concurrence in the nominations made by the Baltimore Democratic Convention, and to announce his determination faithfully to support them. The democratic party had just passed through a crisis which served to prove the integrity of its principle, and the internal strength of its cause. After many differences of opinion, differences however about men, and not measures, the Convention had chosen a man whose private character was irreproachable, and who, in various public stations had given proof of his ability, and firmness and devotion to those principles which the democratic party deemed essential to the prosperity of our own country and the perpetuation of her free institutions. Nothing now is wanting to ensure success, but united exertion, and that we must and will have. Let us put behind us the divisions and preferences of the past, and join in one common effort, to promote the triumph of our cause, victory is in our power, and let us attain it. Let every one feel, and fulfill his duty." The efforts of Gov. Cass in support of the nominations were not confined to the vicinity of his home. In the different towns of Michigan, and of other states he met assembled crowds of the democratic party, and encouraged them by precept and example to bring their mighty power to bear with all its strength upon the great point of success in the approaching election. Active co-operation, from Gen. Cass or from any individual holding the relation that that he did to the successful candidate of the convention, was more than was to be expected. But no petty jealousy—no disaffection severed him, a moment from the full and efficient advocacy of the claims of the nominee to the entire support of the democracy. This exhibition of disinterestedness influenced many a wavering democrat, to decide firmly upon adopting the line of duty, and sacrifice his personal inclinations, upon the altar of principle. The cheerful acquiescence and approval, expressed by the prominent men who were candidates before the convention, in the result of its deliberations, it must be admitted contributed powerfully in securing the success which followed, which elevated to the Chief Magistracy the nominee of the democratic party, by a triumphant majority over the popular and venerable whig leader, Henry Clay. CHAPTER XII. Magnitude of questions before Congress-Interest felt throughout the Union, in the election of Senators-The sentiment of the people, in regard to Gen. Cass' election to the Senate-His election by the Legislature of Michigan-His first act in the Senate, evinces his keen watchfulness over the rights and honor of his country-Resolutions of Senator Allen-Gen. Cass supports them-His remarks thereon-The Oregon question-The great interests involved in its settlement-The recommendations of the President-Resolution of Mr. Allen, giving notice that convention of 1827, between the United States and Great Britain, he annulled and abrogated-Speech of Gen. Cass, in regard to our defences-His remarks thereon. The magnitude of the questions arising in Congress, impressed the public mind with the necessity of having in the Senate of the United States, the first and most eminent men of the country. It was apparent, that with the commencement of Mr. Polk's presidential term, an era in the affairs of the nation would arise, requiring all the skill and experience of our wisest statesmen. The official terms of many senators would expire with the administration of John Tyler. The filling the vacancies thus occurring was a subject of general interest, all through the United States. It was not confined to state limits. Each state felt interested in the choice her sisters in the confederacy might make. The term of Hon. Augustus S. Porter, of Michigan was one of those which would terminate in March, 1845. In regard to who would be his successor there was but one sentiment, not only within the the State of Michigan, but elsewhere. The universal choice fell upon Gen. Cass. The legislature of Michigan, at its annual session in January 1845, in compliance with public opinion, elected Gen. Cass, senator for six years ensuing the fourth of March, then next. Every democratic member of the legislature, except two in the senate, voted for him His election therefore may be said to have been unanimous. He took his seat in the senate at the executive session called upon the inauguration of Mr. Polk. The first session of the 29th Congress commenced on the first Monday of December 1845. This was the first regular meeting of Congress under the new administration. The President in his annual message had expressed it to be his determination to carry out the policy of the government, as declared by his predecessors in regard to the interference of foreign powers in American affairs. He said that the people of the United States could not view with indifference the attempts of any European Power to interfere with the independent action of the nations on this continent. The subject was recommended to the attention of Congress, by the President, and Senator Allen of Ohio asked leave to introduce into the Senate a joint resolution declaratory of the principles by which the government of the United States would be governed in regard to the interposition of the powers of Europe in the political affairs of America. The question upon granting leave came up for discussion on the 26th of January, 1846. It was long and ably debated by the most distinguished men in the Senate. Gen. Cass advocated the motion. Messrs. Berrien, Calhoun, Corwin, Crittenden and Webster were opposed to it. Gen. Cass supported the proposition upon the ground that it was the most correct course to pursue in reference to the relations of the United States with England-that this country "could lose nothing at home or abroad, by establishing and maintaining an American policy-a policy decisive in its spirit-moderate in its tone, and just in its objectsproclaimed and supported firmly, but temperately." Advocating the motion he said : "But what is proposed by this resolution? It proposes, Mr. President, to repel a principle which two of the greatest powers of the earth are now carrying into practice upon this continent, so far as we can discover any principle involved in the war which the French and British are now waging against Buenos Ayres; and a principle solemnly announced by the French prime minister in the Champer of Deputies, clearly in doctrine, but cautiously in the remedy. I need not advert to the declaration made upon that occasion by M. Guizot, a declaration equally extraordinary and memorable. An honorable member of this body has the debate in full; and I trust that, in the further discussion which this subject must undergo, and will undergo in this body in one form or another, he will read the remarks of the French premier, and give us the able views I know he entertains of them. I will only add that these remarks are eminently characteristic of a peculiar class of statesmen, who are always seeking some new and brilliant thought, something with which to dazzle the world as much as it dazzles themselves—some paradox or other as a shroud wherewith to wrap 1 their dying frame. Plain common sense, and the true condition of men and communities, are lost in diplomatic subtleties. But what is this balance of power which is to cross the Atlantic and take up its abode in this New World? It is the assumption of a power which has deluged Europe in blood, and which has attempted to stifle the first germs of freedom in every land where they have started up; which has blotted Poland from the map of nations; which has given a moiety of Saxony, in spite of the prayers of the people, to Prussia; which has extinguished Venice and Genoa; which added Belgium to Holland, notwithstanding the repugnance of its inhabitants, who eventually rose in their revolutionary might, and asserted and achieved their own independence; which transferred Norway from Denmark, to which it was attached by old ties and by a mild government, to Sweden, who had to send an army, and to call upon the navy of England to aid her to take possession of this gift of the holy alliance; which keeps Switzerland in eternal turmoil, and which sent a French army into Spain to put down the spirit of liberty, and an Austrian army to Italy for the same purpose; and which watches and wards off the very first instincts of human nature to meliorate its social and political condition. It is the assumption of a power which enables five great nations of Europe-they are quintuple at present-to govern just as much of the world as will not or cannot resist their cupidity and ambition, and to introduce new principles at their pleasure, and to their profit, into the code of nations. To proclaim that the slave trade is piracy by virtue of their proclamation, and that their cruisers may sweep the ocean, seizing vessels, and crews, and cargoes, and committing them to that great vortex which has swallowed up such a vast amount of our property, and issued so many decrees against our rights a court of admiralty; and, by-and-by, will enable them to proclaim, if not resisted, that the cotton trade shall be piracy, or that the tobacco trade shall be piracy, or that anything else shall be piracy which ministers to our power and interest, and does not minister to theirs. I understand the measure proposed by the Senator from Ohio is a protest against the establishment of a new and dangerous principle, affecting ourselves, and with us the other independent nations inhabiting this continent. It does not necessarily involve any question of war.. Such a protest is a common mode of proce dure in the intercourse of nations. It is the exclusion of a conclusion. It is saying to the world, that the Government making the protest does not recognise a certain claim or principle, and does not intend to be bound by it. It commits such Government to no specific course of action. It merely expresses its dissent, leaving to future circumstances its conduct, should the protest be found inefficient. I have already alluded to Buenos Ayres, where France and England are now interfering to their heart's content. Their conduct |