and the Republican leaders who face the problems of the future need to be told that the country has little interest in tariff bills which are protective of anything but the general welfare.

Turning from problems largely economic, let us look for a moment at problems largely social, remembering that social progress cannot be made if the stomachs of the people are empty. Most of the principles of social progress for which the Progressives fought in 1912 are either on the statute-books or have been accepted by the leaders of political thought in both the Democratic and Republican parties. The principles have been accepted, it is true, but there still remains the large need of translating these principles into practice. Execution, as Governor Coolidge said, must be given time to catch up with legislation, and those who are chosen to execute the laws and to handle the problems dealing with labor and social justice must be forward-looking men with a vision which has been denied to many men who have held places of authority under a “liberal democracy."

There is another fundamental of progressivism which needs renewed emphasis. It is a fundamental in which Senator Harding in the past has manifested little interest. We refer to the conservation and development of our natural resources for the benefit of the Nation at large. The Republican party under President Taft lost much of its understanding of the need for vigilance in this direction. The people will watch Mr. Harding's Administration closely to see whether or not anything of the Roosevelt enthusiasm for conservation has been regained.

On the question of agricultural development Senator Harding in at least one speech has manifested a most hopeful understanding of the problems before the country. He has recognized the fact that movements for rural welfare are useless unless the economic attractiveness of farm life can be restored. The figures of the 1920 Census show how great is the need of placing the American farm upon economic equality with the American factory. We believe that by the development of a proper system of distribution of farm products this economic balance can be restored without the manifestation of special favoritism such as the Wilson Administration showed toward the cotton farmers of the South, or the granting of class favors such as Secretary Meredith recently and properly denied to wheat farmers of the West.

These are some of the domestic problems which will confront the new

Republican Administration, but these domestic problems tell only half the story of the burden of responsibility which lies ahead.

During the campaign the interest of the country has been centered upon our foreign entanglements resulting from the World War. In this field the questions to be solved involve large issues of principle as well as fact, and these questions are by no means limited to the adoption or rejection of Article X.

In the last four years we have lost sight of the Philippines. Experiments in the administration of those islands have proceeded apace. Shall we go back to the slow development advocated by Dean Worcester and exPresident Taft, or shall we accept as an accomplished fact the methods and policies of Governor-General Harrison?

Under the Roosevelt Administration the Republican party adopted a constructive and friendly attitude towards the backward nations of the West Indies and Central America. How far has the Democratic Administration misconstrued and misapplied these policies? The question is fraught with danger to our relations with the vast continent to the south.

The Mexican problem is also with us. Some of the so-called liberals bitterly opposed to Senator Harding say that a Republican Administration means immediate war upon Mexico, and that the great financial interest with Mexican investments will selfishly control the policy of our Government towards Mexico. The vacillation of the Wilson Administration in its handling of the Mexican problem must not be repeated, and the charges which we have cited must be proved to be false. The situation requires the highest type of diplomacy, the greatest degree of courage, and the constructive application of applied idealism and good faith.

Last and most important of all, the incoming Administration will be face to face with the adjustment and readjustment of our relations with Europe. Europe is not concerned as we have been with the phraseology of treaties or of theoretical principles of leagues of nations. Out of the blackness of economic ruin it looks toward impregnable America and sees the one. nation which looms like a Colossus in a fraternity of shattered peoples. To America Europe turns with mingled envy, fear, and hope. It is for the Republican Administration to justify that hope with assistance based upon an understanding of reality; it is for the Republican party to sweep aside that

fear and that envy with justice and good will. Herein lies the measure of the problem confronting the Republican party in its renewed leadership of the American people.

66

"T

THE SHARERS

HERE is a beautiful old saying," remarked the Young-Old Philosopher, "that I have always loved. When two people share a joy, it is doubled; when they share a sorrow, it is halved.'

"Could any argument against human selfishness, or for the wisdom of human co-operation, be stronger?

"When an artist produces a beautiful picture, or a poem, or a statue, his first thought is to share the ecstasy he feels with another. He must show what he has done-not through any sense of vainglory, but through that innate something in us all, whether we are artists or artisans, which makes it necessary to give as well as to receive.

"I see a wonderful sunset, and my first desire is to have some one at my side to behold it with me. To try to tell of it afterward is not sufficient. That bromidic remark so often written upon picture post-cards, Wish you were here,' gushes out of the heart of all of us. I read a book by a great writer. My first impulse is to spread the news of the mine of beauty I have found. I see a great play, or hear a great opera, and I wish passionately that my best beloved, or my best friend, should see and hear it too. For life is not a seeking for beauty by ourselves. We may accidentally stumble loveliness-find a garden-scape and go into raptures over it, for instance; but we immediately want the entire village to know of it and view it with their own eyes.

upon some

"Think of spending Christmas alone! Think of any anniversary passed in solitude! The saddest people in the world are lonely people. If I had a fortune, I would spend it in trying to bring human beings closer together. The community spirit is not an idle dream. From the time of the Garden. of Eden solitude that is forced upon one is something that the wise have shunned. Solitary confinement is considered the cruelest of all forms of punishment, as indeed it is, and this way madness lies.' Show me a man who does not abominate a hermit-like withdrawal from life and I will show you an eccentric and abnormal type. The natural process is to share everything, especially everything good. Mar

riage, love, friendship, are founded on that theory.

"I knew a young man once who lost his position, and for days thereafter he left his house in the morning as though he were going to his old office at the regular time. He feared to tell his wife of his trouble. Yet she would have been the first to understand. If marriage meant to him, in a crisis, that he could not open his heart to his helpmeet, then he failed to realize the sacred meaning of the sacrament. His tortured mind was unrelieved by an outpouring of his ill luck; and if he had but known it-he was being unfair to his wife. For it was her privilege, her right, to share his burdens as well as his joys. To lock her from that room of his mind was senseless, and, in a measure, selfish. She would have been proud to shoulder part of the heavy load. She had to know, ultimately, and she was consumed with grief that she had for so long a time been a useless figure in their menage.

"The understanding heart is what we all crave. The world knows the laughter of Harlequin; but only one

may know his tears. Everything must be shared, whether it be joy or suffering. Both joy and suffering are sacred. How fortunate are they who share the latter, no less than the former, with some comrade!"

66

HAMILTON WRIGHT

O

MABIE

NE of the friendliest of men, one of the best of companions," says Dr. George A. Gordon in a discriminating pen portrait of Hamilton W. Mabie in the "Life and Letters" of Mr. Mabie which has just appeared. It is just this side of Mr. Mabie's personality that comes first to mind with those of us who met him closely and constantly in editorial association. For thirty-seven years Mr. Mabie was Associate Editor of The Outlook, and he was an active member of its staff at the time of his death, in December, 1916.

His personality was serene and genial.

1 The Life and Letters of Hamilton W. Mabie. By Edwin W. Morse. Dodd, Mead & Co., New York.

He was never impatient, he was always alive to the humorous side of life, he was a tireless worker, yet one who carried out his really extensive accomplishment as journalist, author, critic, and lecturer with ease and calmness. As we knew him in the Outlook office he was never worried, never nervous, never excitable; he always had time to help others, apparently always time to talk with visitors. Yet, as Mr. Morse's account shows, his life was one of constant activity in many matters of public interest, as in educational, religious, and other community service outside his distinctively professional work. He was interested quite as much in human problems as he was in literary criticism. To everything he brought, in Mr. Howells's words, a nature of simplicity, frankness, charm, and cheerfulness, and a spirit of buoyant helpfulness and hopefulness.

A true picture of Mr. Mabie as he appeared to his associates is given in this Life in a little pen portrait by his office secretary, Mrs. Anna Knight:

I never knew him to be impatient, irritable, peevish, sarcastic, exacting, or even unreasonable, all of which traits most people manifest at one time or another, and a large number much of the time. But with all his gentleness he worked in a positive rather than a negative spirit-the "Thou shalt" spirit of the New Testament rather than the "Thou shalt not" of the Old. He diffused in a remarkable degree an atmosphere of antiI recall a number antagonism. of men now holding influential positions in literary and publishing work who owe their start entirely to the right word-written, spoken, or telephoned by Mr. Mabie at just the right time; he was never too busy to Stop, Listen, and Help.

...

As a talker and teller of apt stories and anecdotes-not dragged in, but directly to the point-one doubts whether Mr. Mabie had many equals. He knew most of the great literary lights of his day and many famous public men ; and he had abundant recollections of their talk-enough to make a delightful book of reminiscences. Such a book his colleagues often urged him to write, but he was extremely averse to making literary use of private conversations, and the book was never written. Nor was his literary purpose and manner especially favorable for bringing out his sense of humor. His old friend, Dr. Henry van Dyke, expressed this well in saying: "There is a rich fund of humor in him which does not often come to the surface in the printed page. His speaking style is livelier and more varied than his written style. On

AN EMOTIONAL

ELECTORATE

CALIFORNIA

TELEGRAPHIC CORRESPONDENCE FROM CHESTER H. ROWELL, OF THE FRESNO "REPUBLICAN," TO THE OUTLOOK

CHESTER H. ROWELL

THE

HE principal cause affecting the election result in California and neighboring States is doubtless the general reaction which produced the same result elsewhere. This reaction was based partly on facts and issues, but was mostly psychological. To illustrate: On an apparently unrelated matter California two years ago defeated bone-dry State prohibition by only a narrow majority, all cast in San Francisco, and elected a Legislature pledged to ratify the Eighteenth Amendment. This year, with prohibition in the Constitution, the people, on referendum, defeated by a huge majority a law already passed by the Legislature for the enforcement of the Constitution. The same emotional transformation

which made these two results possible

in two successive elections also accounts in large part for the reaction towards President Wilson's idealism and the issues in which it was embodied.

The people have voted for "business

as usual," and entertain the delusion that they can get it by voting for it. There was also, of course, the reaction against President Wilson personally, due to his obstinate tactlessness in the last Congress and to the bugaboo of autocracy. In general, California likes autocracy. It supported Johnson and Roosevelt enthusiastically. But it wants that autocracy emotional and crusading on the side of the people, not coldly intellectual on behalf of mere abstract right.

California, however, showed its usual independence of voting, as between President and Senator. Four years ago Hiram Johnson for Senator (on the Republican ticket) ran three hundred thousand ahead of Hughes for President. This year Shortridge (also Republican) for Senator ran three hundred thousand behind Harding for President. In any normal year Phelan, Democrat, would have been elected Senator.

Except among the narrow class of "highbrow" intellectuals, the election was not a solemn referendum on the League of Nations. The people in general were bored with the issue. What they wanted was a change of Administration and lower taxes. Senator Johnson, the chief opponent of the League of Nations, is still the strongest political figure in California, but a large part of his choicest supporters have never agreed with him on this issue, and his candidate for the Senate, running on this issue, fell hundreds of thousands of votes behind his ticket, and behind the

vote which Johnson himself would have got running on the same issue.

Various local causes also contribute to the result. Attorney-General Palmer had brought, just before election, a suit to dissolve the popular Raisin Growers" Association. This confirmed central California and the fruit-growers generally in opposition to the Administration. Owing to the low Italian exchange, Sicilian lemons are displacing California lemons in the New York market. This gave renewed importance to the tariff question in southern Cali fornia. A slump in rice had a similar effect in northern California and a slump in beans in the coast regions. Barley and figs produced a like effect in the districts growing them. Four years ago progressivism defeated Hughes in the West. This year Progressive leaders were included in the most partisan advocates of regular Republicanism. Whatever may be the case in the future, progressivism as an organized movement has ceased to exist in the State of its origin and principal triumphs.

Of alien groups, the Armenians were for Wilson on the mandate question, the Italians against him on Fiume, the Irish against the League of Nations for not freeing Ireland, and the Germans quiet but doubtless generally for Harding. The principal foreign question in California is naturally the Japanese one. Both candidates for Senator were radically anti-Japanese, and the antiJapanese alien land law passed by an overwhelming majority, as did a

minor amendment imposing a United States poll tax on aliens and not on citizens, directed openly against the Japanese.

tions of 1918 forecast the outcome of 1920. It is difficult to sort out of the complex known as public opinion the great causes that move it, aside from the obvious appeals to group feelings. In 1916 the kept-us-out-of-war appeal

in the election, responded to the same influences that swept the rest of the country. Local is sues created little eddies here and there. They did not materially affect the result. As Roosevelt put it in the first Taft campaign, the Nation was dealing with poster effects, not with zinc etchings.

H. J. HASKELL

Nebraska, Kansas, and Colorado are accustomed to do independent voting. Democrats of Missouri and Oklahoma have inherited their party tradition from the South. With them it is almost a religion. A sweep that tears Oklahoma from the Solid South and makes Missouri Republican by more than one hundred thousand is due to fundamental, Nation-wide forces.

Briefly, the Southwest was profoundly dissatisfied with the Wilson Administration and the Wilson League of Nations. It did not like Governor Cox as revealed in the campaign, while Senator Harding grew in its estimation. Finally, it had confidence in the administrative capacity of the Republican party.

In the phrase of current politics, the situation began to "freeze more than two years ago. The Congressional elec

the war came, many persons felt, rightly or wrongly, that the President must have known it was inevitable and that their votes had been obtained under false pretenses. The revulsion that then set in against Mr. Wilson was augmented after the war by members of the Expeditionary Force and their relatives who held the Administration responsible for lack of equipment growing out of failure to prepare. The impression spread that the President was impractical, autocratic, unwilling to take counsel.

The discussion of the League Covenant confirmed this belief. The West had lost confidence in his leadership. It became suspicious of the Covenant, and finally turned strongly against it.

These impressions are the outcome of conversations with politicians and speakers who made it their business to know what people were thinking about. A characteristic instance was the Chautauqua at the little town of Beloit, in western Kansas. Four years ago, on "political day" the Republican politicians first learned that their National ticket was in danger. People flock to the Chautauqua from all the country round about. At every mention of President Wilson the cheers shattered the roof of the tent. Last summer an eloquent Democratic speaker got absolutely no response to his picture of the President broken on the wheel of public service. "My God!" he exclaimed. "Has it come to this, that Americans will not cheer their President?" And still the audience sat silent. Governor Allen, following him, referred to his defense of the League as able, and added: "But it left me unconvinced, as I see it has

EXTINCTION, IN THE JUDGMENT OF THE

left you." Whereat there was tumultuous applause.

It was the universal testimony of speakers in the Southwest that audiences were apathetic until the League of Nations was reached. Then people gave attention. In Missouri the Republican candidate for Governor, Arthur M. Hyde, undoubtedly was helped by the State-wide feeling that it was necessary to elect him to clean up a bad police and election situation in Kansas City. Yet his audiences responded chiefly to his discussion of the League. In Kansas organized labor centered an attack on Governor Allen for his industrial court. But his audiences were much-more interested in the League than in the court. The hostility to the League was evident, but observ ers felt that the League was the vent for hostility to the Administration.

The personality of the Presidential candidates was absolutely subordinate. Governor Cox, however, was at the high point of public esteem in the West when he was nominated, Senator Harding at the low point. Cox steadily declined, while Harding mounted in public estimation. It was common to hear Cox referred to as a ward politician. Harding's dignity, moderation, modesty, and readiness to accept advice made an increasingly favorable impression.

Other factors had even less influence. Numerous Western States, including Kansas, Colorado, and Okla homa, already had woman suffrage. There was no indication that in other States the vote of the women affected the result, except to make it more emphatic. At the outset prohibition promised a possible issue. But the refusal of Governor Cox to champion the wet side made the wet issue fade. Racial appeals had no particular effect in the Southwest, where the German vote bas been identified with the Republican party since the Civil War, and where the Irish are not a dominant force. The

slump in wheat and live stock was lost sight of in the cataclysm. The situation was frozen long before the slump set in.

The attempt to revive the progressivereactionary division of 1912 failed be cause the people showed no interest. A good share of the progressive programme had been enacted into law by the various State Legislatures. No great progressive issue was in sight and people were concerned with other things. The cleavage still existed, but for the present was in abeyance.

So far as the Southwest was concerned, outside the Solid South, the stage was set for a vote of no confidence in the Democratic party, the Wilson Administration, and its chief policy, the League of Nations. People turned to what they seemed to feel was the superior practical sense and administrative talent of the Republican party under a leader whose determination to seek counsel and move cautiously approved itself to the popular mood.

ness of the Republican victory cannot be ascribed to any positive virtue in the Republican candidate. Mr. Harding's majority was due solely to an aggrieved electorate bent on punishment.

Even in 1912, with the normal Republican vote split between Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Taft, only three of the States of the Northwest went to Mr. Wilson. Minnesota and South Dakota were even then able to swing their vote to a Republican candidate-in both cases Mr. Roosevelt. And in 1916, with enthusiasm for an unbroken foreign policy rampant, only one State went over into the Democratic camp-North Dakota. That a district so thoroughly Republican should switch to a broken Democracy at this time was inconceivable. But political wiseacres were not prepared for the terribly earnest drubbing that came.

Everybody knew that Republicans, as a whole, would stick to the Grand Old Party. Few realized how unanimously the independent vote would join them.

And yet, considering the nature of the Democratic Administration, together with the fact that our population is largely agricultural and almost twenty-five per cent foreign-born, nothing should have been more clear.

The independent vote of all five States went almost in a body to the Harding camp. Some went as a protest against what they chose to call the "Wilson dynasty." Some went because of supposed discrimination against the farmers of the North. Some went as a protest against Democratic failure to remove restrictive war legislation. Some went because they were a part of the general progressive movement in the Northwest, which threw its influence into the Republican side of the scales in the National election.

On the other hand, the Democratic party, having lost most of its less sincere adherents, gained very few votes on the one outstanding issue of its

campaign. The voters either cared nothing about the League or they were satisfied with the possibility that moderate Republican opinion would force the new Administration to enter.

The alien vote went almost solidly to Harding. Citizens of German descent professed themselves disgusted with the "Wilson dynasty." The German press declared that no GermanAmerican who respected himself could vote for Mr. Cox, "the tool of Wilson." German papers pointed to the fact that Mr. Cox had helped eliminate German instruction from the schools of Ohio. They pointed to the fact that he favored the present Peace Treaty with Germany, which they termed "the crime of Versailles." To-day they are confident that no little share in the credit for Mr. Harding's election is due them. The Scandinavians likewise voted to punish Mr. Wilson. Minor alien groups were similarly actuated. Italians voted as a protest against Mr. Wilson's Adriatic stand. Poles voted against his RussoPolish policy.

The agricultural interests of the Northwest have long felt a discrimination at the hands of the Democratic party. They point to Democratic paternalism in the South, where the cotton interests were pampered. And then they figure up their grain receipts, which have shown a steady decline. They were willing, even eager, to trust their fate to a Republican régime. They were determined to put an end to a régime which could ignore their claims.

Thus business men, farmers, and workers-the latter haunted by the specter of workless days-joined to pile up an unprecedented majority for the Republican candidate. Only a few traditional Democrats, a few proponents of the League of Nations, a very few ultra-wets, and a sprinkling of those who felt that Mr. Cox was a more progressive man than Mr. Harding cast their votes for a continuation of the