THE POLITICAL REGISTER For j U L Y, 1771. NUMBER LIII. For the POLITICAL REGISTER. LVCAN. NEVER was a truer maxim advanced: the force of it we are daily experiencing. No supreme governors would ever have ventured to oppress or plunder their subjects, if they had not sirst found out the art of blinding them with superstitious sears—of dividing them by party quarrels—or by corrupting one side to betray the other—thus making them the instruments of their own destruction, and obliging them in the end, to hold out their necks to receive a yoke voluntarily, which could not otherwise be fastened on them. The good genius of Britain has long since rooted out the influence of superstitious sears; but it is much to be doubted if she will ever be able to blunt the edges of the two other iharp weapons of ministerial tyranny: the splitting of opposition into parties, by which means a door is opened for corrupting one set of men to betray another, is true Machiavelian policy; but what fools or knaves must they be, who with their eyes open, fall into this snare? Yet this is likely to be the grave of that spirit of patriotism, which for these ten years past, has made guilty ministers tremble, and has operated fome good effects in the administration of government:. Could the enemies of public freedom have wished for a more advantageous party quarrel than that which has happened and still subsists between Wilkes and Home? it is welj known each Po*. Reg. Vol. 1^. B has has his select company of patrons and advocates determined to support them in all their extravagant sallies, and personal views, though the public cause, for which they at first jointly contended, should ,be the victim of their obstinacy. How idly, how shamefully has the public attention been drawn oft" from material objects, to attend to the uninteresting, written, altercation of two sworn foes to ministerial oppression, who have been exhausting that strength against each other, which they should have employed against their common enemy. The event will prove, that the court interest has gained considerably by this unlucky accident—that patriotism will be discredited, and every measure laid down in the plan of government commenced in 1761, will finally be established and. quietly submitted to without controul. It were no difficult task to prove from history, that nations have lost their liberties, by the quarrels that baye happened hetween the parties opposing corrupt administrations: and that these disputes have been most commonly fomented secretly by the tools of such administrations. This, by many sensible people, is thought to be the cafe at present:—it is therefore strongly recommended to the friends of these gentlemen, some of whom may not be so mad as themselves, to exert their authority, and dismiss them from the public service. Indeed, if truth may be freely spoken, to the sons of freedom, without giving offence, it would greatly promote the public interest and welfare of society, to leave these gentlemen wholly out of the question for the future, when any great and weighty matter is agitated in favour of the people, against the arbitrary proceedings of an unpopular ministry, or parliament ;—for after the glaring discoveries of the ambitious, selfish, and ungrateful views of Mr. Wilkes, and of Mr. Home's private sentiments, so highly prejudicial to him in his sacerdotal character, it is impossible that the public, cause of a nation can gain any credit by their names. Mr. Home, by his indefatigable assiduity, his personal intrepidity, and his real disinterestedness in the support of Mr, Wilkes, not from personal attachment, but so far only as he was an instrument of public good—deserves the warmest acknowledgments from those gentlemen who have been chiefly indebted tohirn for the distinguished notice and regard paid them by their fellow citizens; and if in the end, this gentleman mould suffer still further in his private circumstances, in consequence of the base publication of his letter from Montpellier, it is their duty (and it is not to be doubted hut their inclinations will equally prompt them) to indemnify him for the damages he has, or may sustain, by his spirited . • conduct ftdnduct in the common cause: but it would be highly imprudent to let him continue to have the management or. .direction of any constitutional society, or to appear as principal hereafter in any transactions of a public nature. With respect to Mr. Wilkes, any man of common understanding may plainly seej that so long as he appears on the stage of politics, no credit whatever will be given to any measures that may be taken to oppose administration, under the specious pretext of the public good. All, who are not blinded with prejudice or swayed by interest, must clearly perceive that his main scope has been to raise himself to posts of dignity in the city, to support which in such a manner as not to disgrace the offices to which he should be elected, would necessarily oblige his fellow citizens to subscribe large sums for his pocket. Having extricated himself from the difficulties in which boundless extravagance had involved him, 2nd secured the means of enjoying his morsel in quiet in his own country for the remainder of his days—it was strange indeed, that he would not acquit the public of all obligations to him for the affair of general warrants and other public services, after such liberal rewards, as no man in the like cafe ever before received. Raleigh, Sydney, and other British worthies bled for their country—but Wilkes lives luxuriously, riots" with profusion, and fills his purse by his country; yet still not content, he must try to monopolize all public favour: and while there remains an office of honour, trust, or emolument in the city of London, he will use every art, every stratagem to supplant the most meritorious citizens: and even those who have generously contributed to free him from poverty and disgrace. With such charges publicly urged against him, and too well supported to bo denied, it would be the best service he could do himself and the public, if he would totally retire from all public business. The spirit of the people is in arms against all unwarrantable measures of administration, and every session of parliament shews there are not wanting valuable supporters of their cause.' The speeches made in the house of commons on the part of the minority last winter—the protests in the houseof lords—.the elegant publications of Junius, and the general tenourof thepress,plainly demonstrate, that we are not dependent for the maintenance of public freedom, on the name or reputation of any one maa. If Mr. Wilkes claims the merit of having raised this spirit, let it be remembered that he has been most amply rewarded, Beyond the wishes or expectations of any moderate man. In return for the public liberality, let him shew his patriotism by retiring, for that is the only sood he can now do his country. An |