property upon the one fide, and of felected population upon the other. It was urged as a proof that the prefent House of Commons spoke the fenfe of the country, that at the General Election the people had had it in their power to choose men who had oppofed the war, and that having done the contrary was a proof of its being popular. Before this argument was admitted, it must be affumed that the voice of the people was free, and that the Elections fpoke their genuine sense. If that were true there would be no neceffity for Reform. At the fame time it was obvious that in places where popular fpirit did prevail, men gained or loft the Election as they had oppofed or fupported the measure of the prefent war. He was himself an inftance of this fact, and an Honourable Baronet had loft his Election in the fame place, fubftantively because he had given his countenance to the Minifters in the prefent war. A good deal had been faid about the meeting at the Crown and Anchor. He had attended that meeting, as he had generally attended almost every meeting for Parliamentary Reform for the laft two and twenty years. He by no means concurred in thinking that the prefent obloquy, which had been fo lavishly thrown upon him, was deferved.--He perceived in that meeting a very general and prevailing fpirit of moderation. There was to be fure a good deal of noife and fome confufion, but not more, nor fo much as he had frequently feen in that House when intemperate advocates for the measures of Administration were bent upon calling for the question, and filencing by clamour all rational difcuffion. Sir Gregory Page Turner craved the indulgence of the House for a few obfervations which he had to make. When he stood up in the morning, or when he lay down at night, he always felt for the Conftitution. (A laugh.) On this question he never had but one opinion. When he came first into Parlia ment he remembered that the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed a Reform, but he faw it was wrong and he oppofed it. Would it not be madness to change what had exifted found and entire down to the days of his father? (Loud laughter.) Were Gentlemen to make changes on their Conftitution as they altered the cut of a coat for the fashion, or as a lady fancied a new head-drefs. (Burfts of laughter.) When questions of fuch a dangerous nature as the prefent was brought forward, he could not fleep quietly on his peaceful pillow. Gentlemen spoke of places and penfions. He had neither place nor penfion, and therefore he was at iffue with them on the fcore of independence. Did Birmingham and Manchefter bring forward propofitions for a Reform?. No! They were brought forward by Gentlemen high in talents and high in Oppofition. Did Gentlemen expect to ftop bribery and corruption in our Govern 9 D 2 ment. ment. He never had such an idea. It was all one whether the Houfe confifted of 5000 or of 500. They had not to confider who the Electors were, but who the elected are. For his part he was perfectly certain that he was a Reprefentative of the whole country, and not of any particular diftrict. He hoped he knew how to put fome confidence in an Adminiftration. If every body could put confidence in them like him, this country would be foon enabled to contend with the combined force of France and Spain. It was not for him to defcribe what he did not know; but when he saw the fate of the Motion, which he was convinced would be rejected, he would go home to his bed and fleep in peace. (More laughter.) Mr. Pollen faid, that he was convinced of the neceffity and of the wisdom of a temperate Reform of the Representation of the People. It was in vain to contend against the exigency. Every man who went into a populous place at the time of an Election, must be fenfible that things could not go on on their prefent footing. Every hand was open for a bribe. All ideas of Representation were fcouted. It was a mere profligate fcene of corruption, and confequently prefented to Government the certain means of influencing the majority in that Houfe. He fhould certainly vote for the Motion, by which time and opportunity would be given to difcufs the merits of the propofed plan, and to adopt or reject it upon mature deliberation. Mr. Fox.--"Much as the question has been difcuffed already, I feel it, Sir, to be a duty incumbent on me to ftate my opinion upon a measure of importance at all times, but at the prefent of much more importance than at any former period. Sir, I am convinced from the manner in which this fubject has been difcuffed this day, that we are in this House fo far from being unanimous, or likely to be fo, upon the fteps to be taken to improve, or even to retrieve the nation, that we are not even likely to be agreed upon what is the prefent condition of the country. I cannot fupprefs my aftonishment at the tone and manner of Gentlemen on this day. The arguments that have been used would lead the mind to believe that we are in a ftate of peace and tranquillity; and that our circumftances are flou rishing and glorious; that we enjoy the happiness of internal concord, order, and profperity, which again convey to our foreign relations, ftrength, fecurity, and refpect; and that we have no provocation to any steps to improve the benefits we enjoy, or to retrieve any misfortune that we may have incurred. To perfons who feel this to be our fituation, every propofition tending to meliorate the condition of the country must be fubject of jealoufy and alarm, and if we really differ fo widely in fentiment as to the state of the country, I fee no probability of an agreement agreement in any measure that is propofed. For myself, and according to my view of our circumftances, all that part of the argument against Reform which relates to the danger of innova tion, is itrangely mifplaced by thofe who think with me, that for far, from procuring the mere chance of practical benefits by a Reform, it is only by a Reform that we can have a chance of refcuing ourselves from a ftate of extreme peril and distress. Such is my view of our fituation. I think it to perilous, fo imminent, that, though I do not feel confcious of defpair, an emotion which the heart ought not to admit, yet it comes nearer to that state of hazard, when the sentiment.of despair, rather than of hope, may be supposed to take poffeffion of the mind. I feel myself to be the member of a community in which the boldest man, without any imputation of cowardice, may dread that we are not merely approaching to a ftate of extreme peril, but of abfolute diffolution, and with this conviction, indelibly impreffed upon my heart, Gentlemen will not believe that I difregard all the general arguments that have been used against the motion on the score of the danger of innovation, from any disrespect to the Honourable Members who have urged them, or to the ingenuity with which they have been preffed, but because I am firmly perfuaded that they are totally inapplicable to the circumstances under which we come to the difcuffion. With the ideas that I entertain I cannot liften for a moment to suggestions that are applicable only to other fituations and to other times; for unless we are refolved, in a helpless pufillanimity, or in a stupid torpor, to fuccumb, and to wait with refignation the approach of our doom, to lie down and die, we must take bold and decifive measures for our deliverance. We must not be deterred by meaner apprehenfions. We muft combine all our ftrength, fortify one another by the communion of our courage, and by a feafonable exertion of national wisdom, patriotifm, and vigour, take measures for the chance of falvation, and encounter with unapalled hearts, all the enemies, foreign and internal, all the dangers and calamities of every kind which prefs fo heavily upon us. Such is my view of the prefent emergency of England, and under this impreffion I cannot for a moment liften to the argument of danger arifing from innovation, fince our ruin is inevitable if we pursue the courfe which has brought us to the brink of the precipice. "But before I enter on the fubject of the proposition that has been made to us, I must take notice of an infinuation that has again and again been thrown out by Gentlemen on the other fide of the Houfe, on party feelings, in which they affect to deplore the existence of a spirit injurious to the welfare of the public. I fufpect, by the frequent repetition of this infinuation, that they are defirous of making it be believed, or that they they understand themselves by the word party feelings, an unprincipled combination of men for the purfuit of office and its emoluments; the eagerness of zeal of which lead them to entertain and to act upon feelings of perfonal enmity, ill-will, and oppofition to his Majefty's Minifters. If fuch be their interpretation of party feelings, or if the term be so understood by the Houfe, I muft fay, that I am utterly unconscious of any fuch feeling, and I am fure that I can speak with confidence for my friends, that they are actuated by no motives of fo debafing a nature; but if they understand by party feelings, that men of honour, who entertain fimilar principles, conceive that those principles may be more beneficially and fuccefsfully pursued by the force of mutual fupport, harmony, and confidential connexion, then I adopt the interpretation, and have no fcruple in faying, that it is for the advantage of the country; an advantage to the cause of truth and the conftitution; an advantage to freedom and humanity; an advantage to whatever honourable object they may be engaged in, that men pursue it with the united force of party feelings, that is to say, puriue it with the confidence, zeal, and fpirit, which the communion of juft confidence is likely to infpire; and if the Honourable Gentlemen apply this description of party feelings to the pursuit in which we are engaged, I am equally ready to fay that the dif aftrous condition of the empire ought to animate and invigorate the union of all those who fell it to be their duty to check and arreft a career that threatens us with fuch inevitable ruin. For furely those who think that party is a good thing for ordinary occafions, must admit that it is peculiarly fo on emergencies like the prefent; it is peculiarly incumbent upon men who feel the value of united exertion to combine all their strength to extricate the veffel when in danger of being stranded. "But Gentlemen feem to infinuate that this union of action is directed more against persons than measures, and that allufions ought not to be made to the conduct of particular men; it is not cafy to analyse this fort of imputation, for it is not eafy to disjoin the measure from its author, nor to examine the ori gin and progrefs of any evil without alfo inquiring into and icrutinizing the motives and the conduct of the perfons who gave it rife. How, for inftance, is it poffible for us to enter into the difcuffion of the particular queftion now before the House, without a certain mixture of perfonal allufion? We complain that the Representation of the People in Parliament is defective. How does this complaint originate? From the conduct of the majorities in Parliament. Does not this naturally lead us to inquire whether there is not something fundamentally erroneous in election, or fomething incidentally vicious in the treatment treatment of thofe majorities. We surely must be permitted to "When he brought it forward first in the year 1782, that is, by the bye, in a time of war, and in a time of fevere preffure of public calamity, I gave to the propofition of the Right Honourable Gentleman my feeble fupport. Again, when he brought it forward in the year 1783, at a time when I was in an office high in his Majefty's fervice, I gave it my fupport. Again, in the year 1785, when the Right Honourable Gentleman himself was in place, and renewed his propofition, it had my countenance and fupport. I have invariably declared myself a friend to Parliamentary Reform, by whomfoever proposed; and though in all the difcuffions that have heretofore taken place, I have had occafion to express my doubt as to the efficacy of the particular mode, I have never hesitated to say that the principle itself was beneficial, and that though not called for with the urgency which fome perfons, and among others the Right Honourable Gentleman, declared to exift, I conftantly was of opinion that it ought not to be discouraged. Now, however, that all doubts upon the fubject is removed by the preffure of our calamities, and that no fpark of hope remains for the country, and the dreadful alternative feems to be whether we shall fink into the most abject thraldom on the one fide, or continue in the courfe until we are driven into the horrors of anarchy on the other, I can have no hefitation in saying that the plan of recurring to the principle of melioration which the conftitution points out, is become a defideratum to the people of Great Britain. Between the alternaLives of bafe and degraded flavery on the one fide, or of tumul tuous |