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that there might be fome who would carry their intentions fo far, and who, though they might not have force enough to give any ground of alarm to Government from their numbers, might ftill be ftrong enough to fpread a misrepresentation, or to circulate a hand-bill. With fuch a probability was it not a matter of blame and guilt that Minifters did not bring the affair to a termination as speedily as poffible.

"There is another view of the fubject which is highly important. I am not expreffing any opinion upon the circumstance of the Delegates and the Lords of the Admiralty; but negotiations having taken place between them, they must be confidered in the fame light as all other negotiations. No man, therefore, could justly confider the transaction to be concluded, till all the ftipulations were performed. Ought not the Right Honourable Gentleman, for the benefit of the public, to have made the fituation of affairs as fhort as poffible? Or if he chose to confider it at an end by the promise made to the failors, ought he not to have made the final termination as fpeedy as poffible? Why, Sir, if Minifters felt the state of affairs to be one of anxiety and regret, was it not their obvious duty to have got out of it as expeditiously as poffible? They may confider the promise as putting an end to it, but a promife being in its nature incomplete, they ought to have ufed all the dispatch in their power to have completed the promife by the performance of it. It is neceffary to obferve that the feamen at Plymouth, felt the fame fpirit of anxiety, attended with a degree of jealoufy, which would not permit them to be fatisfied with official explanation. With the knowledge of that circumftance, why did not Minifters fee the neceffity of ufing dispatch?

But it has been afferted, that they have always been fincere in their intentions to perform their engagements. Sir, I never faid that Minifters were not fincere. What I complain of is, that they delayed carrying their intentions into execution fo long as to have coft dear lives. But then it is afked, was it their intereft to produce delay? Sir, what the intereft of bad Minifters may be I know not; but in all countries where there has been no vigilant affembly to correct them, there always have been bad Minifters. It may have been prefumption on their part---it may have been a defire that what was gracious in the affair, fhould be confidered exclufively as the act of the Executive Government; it may have been this defire that produced the delay. I do fee, however, in that delay an act which proves the incapacity of Minifters. The incapacity of Minifters ? It may be afked why are we to fufpect them of incapacity? Individually I know there are among them men of great abilities; but there may be fituations in which going ftep by step, from er

ror

ror to error, from blunder to blunder, may have deftroyed in their minds all rational ideas. Gentlemen, recollect the vulgar, expreffion of men being beaten blind. Perhaps that may be the cafe with his Majefty's Ministers---perhaps these may have led to that fituation of the country which no man can contemplate without feelings of the deepest regret and concern, of which I know not why I fhould be ashamed. I think I have stated fufficient to prove that more than ordinary diligence ought to have been used. What is the fact? The Right Honourable Gentleman accufes me of being wrong in a day, that the termination of the affair did not reach London till the 24th of April, and that there was only one day's interval before the memorial of the Admiralty was fubmitted to the Privy Council. But the Right Honourable Gentleman knows that the iffue of the affair reached town early enough on the 24th, for a memorial to have been prefented on that very day; confequently there was an interval of two days; now comes the great delay from the 26th of April to the 3d of May. If there are any forms more abfolutely forms than others, they are thofe of the Council. The Conftitution knows nothing of them. In the Privy Council there was a delay from the 26th of April to the 3d of May, and the Minister has mentioned a fact which we did not know before. He fays, that the first day of the meeting was not employed upon the business. Well, Sir, here are delays of feven days, and from the estimate not being laid before the Houfe till Friday, and the difcuffion not taking place till Monday, fourteen days elapfed before a vote was paffed; and then the Houfe were obliged to come to one, on a day on which it must have been paffed with lefs fatisfaction than on any other.

"But it is faid that all this happened through chance, and that if the fleet had failed it would not have happened. Why, Sir, it may be fo; but in a bufinefs in its nature fo very critical furely it was the duty of Minifters to have used as much forefight as poffible. Yet we are told, if the wind had been fair the fleet would have failed. All we know on this part of the fubject is, that the first order given for the fleet to fail was pofitively difobeyed; but fuppofing they had failed who would not rather that they had gone to fea with the complete performance of the promises held out to them; they would then have failed without being willing to liften to any bafe mifrepresentations that might have been circulated by defigning men. But if they had failed without the completion of the tranfaction, would it not have been matter for regret that any reports fhould have. come to them at fea. Had, therefore, the promise held out to them been immediately performed, would they not have faid, 'talk to us not. of mifreprefentations and reports, we have the .No. 36. 8 E

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himself never hinted, that he conceived it neceffary to deviate from neceffary forms. The object of his repeated inquiries was to know, not when any thing relative to pecuniary ar rangements was to be brought forward, but when an opportunity would be afforded of difcuffing the fubject on a large fcale. The Right Honourable Gentleman himself cannot deny that this was the object to which his questions pointed, and from the line of conduct purfued in another place, where pecuniary arrangements could not be in view; from the general fyftem upon which Gentlemen upon the other fide act, which this uniformity evinces, it is evident that neither the Right Hon. able Gentleman, nor those with whom he thinks, ever imagined that any extraordinary difpatch was neceflary with regard to the pecuniary part, and that they apprehended no danger from the delay. Indeed all the reafoning of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and the Honourable Mover, were as applicable to the fituation of affairs a fortnight ago, as now, except as to the facts which have intervened. What is the conclufion? Not that the Right Honourable Gentleman and his Friends were to blame; but merely that they themselves, till enlightened by the fact, never apprehended the fmalleft danger, fince now they cannot affign one reafon for dispatch, which did not equally apply a fortnight ago.

"I certainly do not mean to depreciate the talents of the Right Honourable Gentleman, much lefs to fay that there is any one more difpofed to criticife the proceedings of adminiftration than he is. But take him as a critic, take him as an adviser of Government, and a rough one enough certainly he fometimes is; but in either capacity his conduct, as well as that of those who act with him, proves that they entertained no apprehenfion. The Honourable Gentleman all through his argument, completely begged the question. When the fleet dropped down to St. Helen's, the tranfactions, as far as they were fettled by the Vote of Monday laft, and the Act of last night, were finished; but it is faid the disturbances might have arifen again. Certainly it is impoffible to reduce within mathematical rules, what is likely, or what is not likely to take place; what may, or may not be foreseen; but affuredly Government did not foresee fuch an event. If the Right Honourable Gentleman had any grounds of information, upon which he could forefee, or if even he had reason to fufpect, furely if he had fo far deviated from his ufual practice as to hold any private communication, and forewarn them of the danger, he would not have been guilty of a very great impropriety. The only conclufion I can draw from his proceedings then is, that he had no ground for fufpicion; Go vernment thought the matter fettled, the Admiral at Portsmouth,

and

and the Officers there, thought fo too; every thing then was done that appeared neceflary, while no reafon exifted for believing that every thing was not adjufted. But the Right Honourable Gentleman fays, we ought to have been on our guard against the machinations of a French party. I confefs I am rather puzzled to know how to treat this argument; I do think that there are many very wicked people in this country, and I have been blamed by the Right Honourable Gentleman for the extent at which I rated the danger to be apprehended from them; now we are blamed for not attaching to them fufficient impor tance. I hope the Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Sheridan), who laft night expreffed himfelf fo ftrongly upon this point, will not be offended with my panegyric. He reprobated the meanness and bafeness of the treason that could fecretly fap the bulwark of our ftrength; praifed the open line of conduct, and thought that there might be fome apology for the treason in the fhape which it affumed; but in all the proceedings which have taken place in the fleet, I ever felt, and often expreffed it as the highest fatisfaction, that even in the hotteft period of the proceedings at Portfmouth, and when the feamen expreffed themfelves moft warmly, not the fmalleft fpirit of Jacobinifm appeared. Their expreffions, on the contrary, were most ardent for the honour of the Crown and the intereft of the country. I believe in fact that fuch were their fentiments, that they were incapable of giving way to the doctrine of Jacobinifm, and that if any propofitions of that nature had ever been made to them, they would have rejected them with indignation. The attack, however, was not made in the way that would rouse their refentment and provoke their indignation. After the tranfaction with the Lords of the Admiralty was fettled, the only point which remained was his Majesty's pardon. No jealoufy ever appeared however, till fome for whofe extreme wickedness I can find no name fufficiently defcriptive, infinuated to the feamen that the pardon which had been iffued in their favour was a forgery. When the converfation which took place on the fubject got into the public papers, a new mode of mifrepresentation prefented itself, and the diabolical malice which laboured to renew disturbance, changed its mode of attack. It was reprefented to them, with the most abominable wickedness, that their Bill had been thrown out by Parliament; but no idea that it was the intention of Executive Government to deceive them, was ever entertained. Minifters, who upon fuch an occafion

every motive to vigilance, and who were not lefs vigilant than other men would have been, faw no reason for suspicion. But even had the vote taken place, who will fay that some other ground of mifreprefentation might not have been employ

ed?

Nor

ed? Who will fay that the fame malice that could fo grossly misreprefent what was done, might not have employed other diabolical arts to effect its purpofe? The vote of the House would produce a good effect, because it proved to the seamen that they had been the dupes of grofs impofition. The negligence of Ministers therefore was a common error, for they, as well as others, entertained no fufpicion of danger. could any extraordinary difpatch have been of any advantage, but as it might have prevented mifreprefentation, for the failors. could not entertain a doubt of the intention of Executive Government. The agreement was already acted upon, and they immediately entered into poffeffion of what it beftowed. If it can be fhewn that ground of fufpicion did exift, I do not contend that there is not reason for cenfure, but till that can be eftablished, there can be no ground for blame. The Right

Hon. Gentleman fays that it would have been better for the fleet to have put to fea with the conviction that every thing was fettled. But this is merely begging the question. Were they not going to fea upon this conviction? What afterwards arofe was occafioned by the grofs and wicked mifrepresentations of diabolical incendiaries."

Mr. Fox faid, he had ufed the word extraordinary in its usual acceptation. He confidered the delay to be extraordinary when compared with the importance of the meafure that was to be brought forward, and the neceffity of accelerating it. There was another topic the Right Hon. Gentleman had alluded to--"Jacobinifm.' He would call it fo, because the term was understood. He was afraid that the Right Hon. Gentleman meant to infinuate that he (Mr. Fox) imagined that a spirit of Jacobinifm exifted in the fleet. He had ftated no fuch thing; but as his Majefty's Ministers had always pretended to believe that there were a great number of perfons of that defcription in the country, they were wrong in being off their guard as to the danger which might arife from fuch perfons communicating with the fleet. He was ready to acknowledge that he had called more particularly for an explanation of the circumftances of the transaction at Portsmouth, than for the estimates being fubmitted to the House; but fo far from ftating that he had any information to give to his Majesty's Ministers, he had only defired to know their information, because it might throw a different light upon the tranfaction. He had faid before, and he now repeated, that it would have been far better the feamen had failed with a conviction of the promises made to them having been fulfilled, than that they fhould fail only with the conviction that they would be fulfilled. It was evident that in the former cafe none of the mifreprefentations the Right Honourable Gentleman alluded to could have had

any

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