only be removed by voting a remedy for it in filence. I say that filence has been effectually preferved in this Houfe, in order, as I told the Minifter long ago, to give him an opportunity of doing away the effect of any mifreprefentation or confequent mifunderstanding that had taken place when we heard of this bufinefs firft, and to avoid any future mifunderstanding. It has not produced that effect; nor do I think it was well adapted to produce it; for I am convinced that fecrefy is but feldom, if ever, fo good a mode of avoiding a mifunderstanding as difcuffion. I will not now go into the detail of the conduct of the Admiralty upon this most delicate, critical, and important business, during the Eafter Recefs. Indeed I have not, nor has this Houfe, any authentic information upon it. From what I have heard, however, in common with the public, I have strong doubts of the propriety of that conduct. It seems to have been that of neither denying nor granting, but an endeavour to bargain with the feamen, and to offer them less than it was reasonable they fhould have, fince it was lefs than is now proposed to be voted in this Committee. The evil of this is, that you have increased, inftead of diminishing, the fufpicion of the feamen, and more efpecially fome perfonal diffidence which it appears they entertain. This Houfe might on the Monday or the Wednesday following the notification of the discontents have voted that which is now propofed, and it is inexcufable in Minifters to have delayed it fo long. But moft extraordinary indeed it is that filent confidence in Minifters fhould be now demanded of this Houfe. I fay that, after feeing the criminal conduct of Administration upon various occafions, but most strikingly upon this, if this House now continues its filent confidence, and continues a blind trust in men who have fo mifconducted themfelves, it will be little lefs blameable than Minifters have been. It will be criminal in this Houfe to repofe truft and continue power in the hands of men, who we know by bitter experience to be unfit to conduct our affairs; who have fhewn a degree of guilt, or incapacity, or both, that has led us to the brink of deftruction. I fay this is not a time, nor are the prefent circumftances, in which we fhould repofe confidence in Administration generally, even fuppofing it to be the reverfe of what I think it is, namely, the beft of all poffible Administrations; but, leaft of all, to fuch an Administration. Minifters cannot fay they were not warned of the danger of delay upon this moft important of all subjects. I afked the Minifter as early as I could what was intended to be done, and when. I entreated that he would not fuffer any delay to take place. I repeated my questions and entreaties, and if I have any reafon to blame myfelf at all for the part I took, it is for not having repeated my objections still oftener.

"That

The

"That it fhould be now fuppofed that any good can arife out of fecrefy and filence upon this fubject is ridiculous. thing is abfolutely impoffible. Does the Right Honourable Gentleman really think that not only now, but for ever, the caufe of this difcontent is to remain a fecr.t? Does this Houfe really mean to fay to the people of this country that, after what they know has happened at Portfmouth upon the commencement of this mifunderstanding and fince, that they will never inquire into the caufe of it? Are we fo abandoned as to determine never to have any refponfibility upon ourselves, but that we are to fay, we will leave the whole of it, under a blind confidence, to our Executive Government to manage? I fay, we ought to take refponfibility upon ourfelves: it is our firit and greatest duty, without the due performance of which we fhall be worfe than ufelefs to the public. If we neglect that. duty, confider what may be the effect of this. What has happened may happen again. What is it that has already appear ed before us?That grievances have been complained of, and have not been fufficiently attended to. The caufe of thefe complaints cannot be fully known. I declare upon my honour I do not know the caufe. All I know is what I have feen in newspapers, related as having paffed between the Admiralty and the Delegates of the fleet. I never heard how far the Admiralty conceded to or opposed the wifhes of the Seamen. never understood the matter to this day, and even now I do not fully understand it. Why, then, I afk, how I am to do my duty to the people of England, in voting away their money on circumftances that are more important, perhaps, than any that ever came before us till now, without knowing the real truth as to the caufe of that vote? I fay that we ought to know that caufe; for without it how can we be fatisfied that the remedy is adequate to the evil? I fay also, that, if Minifters were as fuccefsful in all their plans as they have been unfuccessful; if they had fulfilled all their promifes as uniformly as they have difregarded them; if they had gratified our wishes in proportion as they have difappointed our expectations, it would even then be the duty, the bounden duty of the House of Commons, in this moft critical and important of all cafes, to call for a full explanation of the caufes of this difcontent. I hope the Right Honourable Gentleman will state them all fully and authentically to this Houfe at fome future period. I think he ought to ftate even now what were the circumftances which have led to the misunderstanding between the fleet and the Admiralty after the firft promife was made to the Sailors. This he ought to do now, in order that we may know whether this vote which is before us is a complete or No. 35. * 72 a partial

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a partial compliance with the wishes of thofe who are the objects of it. To endeavour to pass it by in filence is filly. To expect that fecrefy can fave you now, and to think that it may be fmothered, is the weakest of all poffible hopes, by which you will refemble children, who shut their eyes and think that nobody can fee them. I therefore hope that this business will not be fuffered to be paffed by in filence. I will no more be answerable for any mifreprefentations that may go abroad upon our difcuffion, than the Minifter; but I know that much more mifunderftanding is likely to follow filence than difcuffion, I therefore with the matter to be difcuffed. I wish to know now, whether this is all that is intended to be done upon this bufinefs? By this fpecies of blind confidence which the Minifter is fo ready to afk, and which this Houfe is much too ready to grant, the Conftitutution of this country may be undone. I know there are many who think that the inconvenience of popular affemblies are great on account of the publicity of its proceedings, and hence has arifen great error in giving to Minifters confidence when they afk it. But our prefent Minifters feem to think that the lefs they are called upon to explain, the more danger there is in their attempting it, and they call for confidence in exact proportion as the neceflity of explanation is urgent."

The Chancellor of the Exchequer faid, he thought that a filent vote upon this fubject was the best, and therefore he took the liberty of recommending it. He thought fo ftill, for he was not fhaken in that opinion by any thing that was faid by the Right Honourable Gentleman who fpoke laft; and it was fingular enough, that that very perfon who called for fo much information, declared he should vote for the resolution after he had heard the explanation that had been given, although he declared, at the fame time, that he knew no more upon it than any other Member in the Houfe; a pretty convincing proof that what he had heard already was fufficient to convince him of the propriety of the prefent Motion. This added to his opinion on the propriety of his not entering further upon this difcuffion.

Mr. Fox faid, it was true he had faid that he knew nothing more of the circumstances on which the refolution was grounded, than what the public newspapers contained. He was ready even upon that knowledge, to vote for the refolution, though he fhould have affented to it with much more fatisfaction if his vote could have been founded upon more full and regular information. He confidered the information which the newspapers furnished, and the notoriety of the cafe, as fufficient to induce him to give his vote for the refolution. He knew that he was voting for an expence that was neceffary, but without knowing whether that expence was all that was neceflary, and whether it

was

was likely to produce the effect defired. What he complained. of chiefly in the conduct of the Right Honourable Gentleman was, that a fortnight had elapfed before the Houfe was informed whether any promifes had been made, and whether they were to be adhered to. If measures had been taken immediately to afcertain these points, the House would not now have been in the dark upon the fubject; they would not have been at a lofs to know whether the new difturbances, which rumour stated to have taken place, had arifen from the circumftance of the agree ment not being confirmed, or that enough had not been conceded. Tranfactions like thofe which had recently occurred, certainly would have been highly important at every period, but in the prefent fituation of the country they were of unequalled importance. If they called themselves the reprefentatives of the people, if they really felt any love for their country, could they be fatisfied that the accomplishment of the object for which the vote was to pafs, was placed in hands worthy of fo great a truft. Could they fay that they had done what they ought to do for the fecurity of their deareft interefts and moft effential concerns? Could they tell their conftituents that they durft not inquire into circumstances so intimately connected with their fafety and their exiftence? Could they fatisfy their own minds, could they fatisfy their conftituents, by telling them they had trufted Minifters? And what Minifters too! Men who faw every hope which they had indulged difconcerted; every expectation they had formed difappointed: men, who after all their affertions and all their boasts were compelled to come down, and found new measures upon the failure of their plans and the disappointment of their views. And would it not be a pretty answer to give to their constituents when they asked them, what conduct they had pursued in circumftances fo critical? to fay they durft not venture to inquire into the circumftances by which the expence they voted was incurred; that they had trufted to Minifters, and to men who had fhewn themselves fo truft-worthy they had confided the fafety of the country. If fuch was the opinion of the Houfe, if fuch was the opinion of the country, as he trusted it was not, the difficulties of our fituation muft inevitably terminate in utter ruin.

Mr. Sheridan faid, he certainly fhould vote for the resolution, but there was a question he should propose to the Right Honcurable Gentleman which might be answered without involving that difcuffion which he wished to avoid, or that mischief which he apprehended. In allufion to the new disturbances which were faid to exift, the Right Honourable Gentleman had faid that nothing was fo likely to restore tranquillity as an immediate vote in favour of the refolution. But why then did not the Right Honourable Gentleman avail himself of the opportunity

1

of fubmitting that vote fooner, when it might have prevented the disturbances it was to appeafe? Why was it that the vote was to be proposed when information was received that new disturbances had broken out? Why did he not take immediate fteps in confequence of the promises which were made? Why, inftead of the flow and procraftinating mode that had been followed, had not the Right Honourable Gentleman come with a message from the Throne, recommending the Houfe to take measures to carry into effet what had been done? He diftinctly afked them why a fortnight's delay had taken place before any fteps were taken to carry into effect what had been done? How could they rely that even what they were to vote would be properly carried into effect? From the words of the Lords of the Admiralty, that they had come to the refolution of acceding to the demands of the Seamen," that they might have as early as poffible an opportunity of returning to their duty, as it may be neceffary that the fleet fhould fpeedily put to fea to meet the Enemy of the country," it was plain that they did not expect that the Seamen were to return to their duty upon that promise, but that fome other proceedings would immediately follow upon it. The firft ftep then ought to have been a communication to the House, and fuch a vote as this paffed with unanimity, would have perfectly fatisfied them. He thought too highly of the character of British Seamen, to imagine that this vote would not fatisfy them, and if it did not, he fhould think more degradingly of them than he did at prefent. Mifreprefentation might have induced them to do what they ought not to have done; but the Right Honourable Gentleman ought to have prevented the poffibility of fuch mifrepresentation. He was convinced, however, that means of conciliation would be more effectual if accompanied with a vote of cenfure on Minifters for not coming to Parliament fooner with fome propofition on the fubject.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer faid, he fhould adhere to his intention of not entering into a difcuffion upon this fubject; but as to this refolution arifing from any recent intelligence, that affertion was directly contradicted by the fact, because he had given notice of it fome days ago. On Thurfday notice was given that the neceffary eftimates would be produced on Friday, and on Friday he gave a direct notice of his prefent Motion; therefore there could not be the flightest foundation for faying that this refolution was propofed in confequence of any recent intelligence.

Mr. Sheridan faid, that he did not state that the resolution was now brought forward in confequence of recent occurrences. He charged the Right Honourable Gentleman with the delay that had taken place. He believed that mifreprefentation might