be a difficult matter. The United States, by the treaty of the 6th of February, 1778, had guarantied the French Weft India iflands. The articles run thus:

Art. ir. The two parties guaranty mutually from the prefent time and for ever, against all other powers, to wit, the United States to his Moft Chriftian Majefty, the prefent poffeffions of the Crown of France in America, as well as thofe which it may acquire by the future treaty of peace; and his Moft Chriftian Majesty guaranties on his part to the United States, their liberty, fovereignty, and independence, abfolute and unlimited, as well in matters of government as commerce, and all their poffeffions, and the additions, or conquefts, that their confederation may obtain during the war, from any of the dominions now or heretofore poffeffed by Great Britain in North America; conformable to the fifth and fixth articles above-written, the whole as their poffeffion fhall be fixed and affured to the faid States, at the moment of the eeffation of their prevent war with England.

Art. 12. In order to fix more precifely the fenfe and application of the preceding article, the contracting parties declare, that in cafe of a rupture between France and England, the reciprocal guarantee declared in the faid article, fhall have its full force and effect, the moment fuch war fhall break out; and if fuch rupture shall not take place, the mutual obligations of the faid guarantee fhall not commence until the moment of the ceffation of the prefent war between the United States and England shall have afcertained their poffeffions.

Befides the dilemma which arofe from this engagement, there was another arifing from the uncertainty of the duration of the French Republic. As foon, therefore, as the Prefident heard, that an Ambaffador from the Convention had arrived in the United States, he, in April, 1793, called a council of the principal officers of ftate, and fubmitted to them the following questions:

Question ift. Shall a proclamation iffue for the purpose of pre venting interferences of the citizens of the United States in the war between France and Great Britain, &c.? Shall it contain a declaration of neutrality, or not? What shall it contain?

Question 2d. Shall a Minifter from the Republic of France be re

ceived?

Question 3d. If received, fhall it be abfolutely, or with qualifi cations and if with qualifications, of what kind?

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Question

Question 4th. Are the United States obliged by good faith to con fider the treaties heretofore made with France as applying to the prefent fituation of the parties? May they renounce them or hold them fufpended till the Government of France fhall be established?

Question 5th. If they have the right, is it expedient to do eitherand which?

Question 6th. If they have an option, would it be a breach of neutrality to confider the treaties still in operation ?

Question 7th. If the treaties are to be confidered as now in operation, is the guarantee in the treaty of alliance appli cable to a defenfive war only, or to a war either offenfive or defenfive?

Question 8th. Does the war in which France is engaged appear to be offenfive or defenfive on her part? Or of a mixed and equi vocal character?

Question 9th. If of a mixed and equivocal character, does the gua-. rantee in any event apply to fuch a war?

Question 10th. What is the effect of a guarantee, fuch as that to be found in the treaty of alliance between the United States and France ?

Queftion 11th. Does any article in either of the treaties, prevent fhips of war, other than privateers, of the powers opposed to France, from coming into the ports of the United States, to act as convoys to their own merchantmen? Or does it lay any other restraint upon them more than would apply to the fhips of war of France?

Question 12th. Should the future Regent of France fend a Minifier to the United States, ought he to be received?

Question 13th. Is it neceffary or advisable to call together the two Houfes of Congrefs, with a view to the prefent posture of European affairs? If it is, what fhould be the particular objects of fuch a call?

Philadelphia, April 18, 1793.

GEO. WASHINGTON.

In this council it was wifely resolved to fteer a middle courfe. The war was determined to be a war of aggreffion on the part of France, and the guarantee was determined not to apply to it. It was refolved to receive a Minifter from the Republic, but to enter into no compact against the Royal Family. It was further refolved, to iffuç a Proclamation of Neutrality, which was accordingly done, in

thefe words:

Whereas it appears, that a ftate of WAR exists between AUSTRIA, PRUSSIA, SARDINIA, GREAT BRITAIN, and the

UNITED NETHERLANDS, of the one part, and FRANCE on the other, and the duty and intereft of the UNITED STATES require, that they should with fincerity and good faith adopt and purfue a conduct friendly and impartial towards the belligerent powers:

I HAVE THEREFORE thought fit by these prefents to declare the difpofition of the United States to obferve the conduct aforefaid towards those powers respectively, and to exhort and warn the Citizens of the United States carefully to avoid all acts and proceedings whatsoever, which may in any manner tend to contravene fuch difpofition.

AND I DO HEREBY alfo make known, that whosoever of the citizens of the United States fhall render himself liable to punishment or forfeiture under the law of nations, by committing, aiding, or abetting hoftilities against any of the faid powers, or by carrying to any of them thofe articles which are deemed contraband by the modern ufage of nations, will not receive the protection of the United States against fuch punishment or forfeiture: and further, that I have given instructions to thofe officers to whom it belongs to cause profecutions to be inftituted against all perfons who fhall, within the cognizance of the courts of the United States, violate the law of nations with respect to the powers at war, or any of them.

IN TESTIMONY WHEREOF I have caufed the feal of the United States of America to be affixed to these presents, (L. S.) and figned the fame with my hand. Done at the city of Philadelphia, the 22d day of April, 1793, and of the independence of the United States of America, the feventeenth. GEO. WASHINGTON.

A Proclamation of Neutrality was a new thing in the hiftory of the world. This was, however, a very wife ftep: it was intended to prevent, and it did prevent, GENET, the French Minifter, who had just landed, from demanding of the United States a fulfilment of the guarantee, provided for in the treaty of 1778; and, if it failed in that object, it was well calculated to prepare the minds of the people for approving of the refufal, which, if he made the demand, it was refolved to give him. All thofe who wished well to the Federal Government, and who dreaded the return of war, anarchy, and mifery, accompanied with the late French improve-. ments, approved of this Proclamation, on the iffuing of which the Prefident received addreffes of thanks from all the commercial towns, and from feveral

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veral of the interior parts of the country. No small number of the addreffes were warm in the cause of France: they wifhed her to deftroy all the crowns and all the kingdoms upon earth: it was a glorious crufade, but they did not with to contribute any thing towards it beyond a toast or an harangue.

Thus prepared, the Prefident, with great calmnefs, waited the arrival of GENET, who, on his part, expected to have the fole command of the country in a very little time. He was furnished with inftructions to involve the United States in the war if poffible, and, at all events, to obtain payment, in advance, of the debt due from the United States to France: the latter he, after fome time, accomplished; but in the former he failed.

the

The attachment of the Federal Government to a pacific fyftem was well known in France. Genet was therefore inftructed, in cafe he should not be able to shake this attachment either by promifes or threats, to apply himself to the fovereign people themselves, whofe partiality, it had been reprefented, and with but too much truth, had received a ftrong bias in favour of the ufurpers. In order to pave way for acting in the laft refort, he difembarked at a point the moft diftant from the feat of Government, that he might have it in his power to act on fome part of the people at least, before the fentiments of their Government refpecting him and his miffion were known: he accordingly landed at Charleston, South Carolina, where he remained caballing for fome time, and then proceeded to Philadelphia.

The inhabitants of Charleston, and, indeed, of moft parts of South Carolina, were admirably dif pofed for a warm reception of Genet. Not long before his landing, a propofition had been publifhed for a folemn abolition of the ufe " of all ariftocratical terms of diftinction and respect." The levellers

had

had even propofed having an engagement to this effect, printed and ftuck up in the market-places, court-houses, &c. for the fignature of the citizens. In a State where fans-culottifm had already made fuch a progrefs, the animating prefence of the Parifian miffionary was all that could be wanted to complete the farce.

The frigate L'Ambufcade, that brought Genet to America, brought alfo the news of war being declared by France against England. The inhabitants of fouthern climes have never been famous for their wisdom; accordingly the people of Charleston looked upon a prize which the Ambuscade brought in with her as an earneft of fuccefs, and an indubitable indication of French naval fuperiority.

No fooner was Genet on fhore, than he began to exercise his powers as fovereign of the country. He commiffioned land and fea officers to make war upon the Spanish and English; he fitted out privateers, and opened rendezvoufes for the enrolling of both foldiers and failors. The French flag was feen waving from the windows in this fans-culotte city, juft as if it had been a fea-port of France. Genet was fent expreffly to engage the country to take a part in the war; and fuch was his contempt for the Government, that he did not look upon its confent as a thing worth asking for or thinking

about.

The Citizen found more volunteers than he knew what to do with, particularly of the higher ranks: Captains and Commodores, Majors and Colonels, flocked to his ftandard in fuch crowds, that, had he had a hundred reams of paper in blank commiffions, he might have filled them all up in the State of Carolina. Whether these men of high rank and empty purfes were encouraged by the confidence they had in the power of the French, or by their own inftinctive bravery, I know not; but as to the end

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they