dogged silence," says the narrator, "neither acknowledging his guilt, nor asserting his innocence." A. L. Donovan, of Ken., was next put upon his trial. He was suspected of having traded with the negroes, of being found in their cabins, and enjoying himself in their society, it was proved that "at one time he actually undertook to release a negro who was tied, which negro afterwards implicated him; and that he once told an overseer "it was cruel work to be whipping the poor negroes as he was obliged to do.” The committee were satisfied, from the evidence before them, that Donovan was an emissary of those deluded fanatics at the north, the abolitionists. He was condemned to be hanged, and suffered accordingly. Ruel Blake was next tried, condemned and hung. "He protested his innocence to the last, and said his life was sworn away." Such is Lynch Law! AN APOLOGY FOR DRS. REED AND MATHESON'S NARRATIVE, BY THEIR AMERICAN PUBLISHERS. THE servility of the American press is sickening. The threats and the bribes of the South are omnipotent throughout the other states, and effectually repress any such exhibition of public feeling as their free institutions and pious ancestry would have led us to expect. Statesmen, politicians, priests, literary and theological professors, merchants, editors, and publishers, all fall down and worship before the Dagon of the South. The influence exercised at the North, by the abettors of slavery, is truly grievous and astonishing. Before the slightest intimation of their displeasure, the New Englander seems to quail. Firm and intractable as he may be in his negociations with the people of every other region, he is one of the most submissive of human beings, when the commands of the South are issued. Regardless of his own interests, and despising the suggestions of honour, humanity, and religion, he becomes the instrument of a party which proclaims the American constitution to be a cheat, and the prevalence of freedom incompatible with the welfare of the human race. A singular instance of this has been furnished at New York, in connexion with the publication of Drs. Reed and Matheson, narrating their visit to the Congregational and Presbyterian churches of America. It is pretty generally known that, while this work contains an able and severe refutation of slavery, it seriously criminates the abolition party. It is not for us to account for or to reconcile these facts, nor shall we stop to point out the erroneous principles and fallacious reasonings which are conspicuous throughout the censures so unsparingly expressed. The pro-slavery party in America proclaimed a triumph so soon as these volumes appeared. They did not notice, or noticing, they did not regard, the general censures which were passed on their slave system. It was enough for them that the abolitionists, the only men who had honestly denounced, and were vigorously seeking its overthrow, were held up to public reprobation as devoid of judgment and regardless of the means by which alone their object could be obtained: men of heated passions, but weak in intellect, whose ignorance of mankind and impetuosity of temper were throwing back the cause which they were professedly seeking to advance. Passages containing such reflections were quoted by the magazines, reviews, and newspapers in the interest of the slaveholder, and were represented as indicative of the light in which British Christians regarded the abolitionists of America. But, though the work of the Congregational deputies supplied missiles for a skirmish, it was soon found not to be suited to the temperature of the South. The calumniated abolitionists drew from it arguments which their opponents could not meet, and triumphantly proved, whatever suspicions may have been engendered by the silence of the deputies during their stay in America, that in this country, and amongst their own brethren, they were constrained to speak out strongly. The result was what every person acquainted with the state of American feeling would have anticipated. The editor of the Columbia Telescope (S. C.) cautioned the publishers at New York against issuing works containing] offensive sentiments on the subjects of slavery; and the latter, instead of indignantly rejecting the counsel as an insult, dishonoured themselves by the following letter to their adviser:• New York, Dec. 31, 1835. Sir, We noticed in your paper of the 13th instant some remarks upon a book published by us (Reed and Matheson's Narrative), in which you give us a word of caution respecting the publication of books, containing offensive sentiments or statements on the subject of slavery. Feeling confident that your remarks, so far as they relate personally to us, were intended in a friendly spirit, we give you our thanks for them, and beg leave to assure you that nothing can be farther from our wishes or intentions than any lending of our press to the dissemination of doctrines obnoxious, in this point of view, to censure. Of course, as you must be aware, we cannot read, or even procure to be read, all the books we publish; we are careful to do so when we have reason to suspect any thing improper; but in many instances we are obliged to rely on the reputation, literary and personal, of the authors. In the case of Reed and Matheson's Narrative, we were applied to by those gentlemen to publish their work, and we ascertained that they were highly esteemed, as gentlemen and Christians; their work, therefore, was not examined, and indeed at that time the subject of abolition had not become the occasion of so much excitement, as it has since unhappily caused. We had no suspicion of it whatever. To convince you that we have no desire to make our publications a medium of "incendiary circulation," we will merely state that we have in several instances at once declined having any thing to do with works, both of foreign and domestic origin, which have been offered to us, on finding that they were in this respect objectionable, although we have every reason to believe that, on other accounts, they would sell extensively. You have no doubt heard of Mr. Abdy's book, which was represented to us as very ably written, and likely to be profitable; but we were told, also, that Mr. Abdy was an abolitionist, and we would have nothing to do with him. We are, very respectfully, Your obedient servants, 6 HARPER & BROTHERS. "What can be more base than this?" inquires the Editor of the Emancipator, in commenting on the affair. "An Apology for publishing Reed and Matheson's Narrative! And then, what an apology! It was all done by mistake—a pure oversight! Their business is so extensive, they cannot read, or even procure to be read, all the books they publish,' though they are careful to do so when they have reason to suspect any thing improper.' It is very proper, indeed, and very harmless withal, to poison the morals of the community by the publication of trashy novels, by the obscenities of Fielding and Ovid-quite proper to make a thrust at liberty, by the publication of unblushing defences of slavery; but to publish aught against slavery! Oh! no-they would not do that for the world. Nothing could be farther from their wishes or intentions than any lending of their press to the dissemination of doctrines obnoxious' to slave-masters. Indeed, they have already evinced the sincerity of their wishes and intentions in the case, for they have, in several instances, at once declined having any thing to do with works that were in this respect objectionable.' Even 'Mr. Abdy's book,' though 'ably written, and likely to be profitable,' was condemned because he was an abolitionist.' And, more than all, they might have added, we intend soon to make our love of slavery, and our crouching servility to your lordships, still more manifest, by the publication of Mr. Paulding's book, in which you will find a most beautiful attempt to justify slavery, and prove, beyond dispute, that slaveholders are honourable men- -all honourable men.' 6 "Out upon such base and wicked servility! It may serve a turn just now, but do not its authors know that, in this act, they have published themselves to the world as traitors to human liberty and human rights? It were bad enough for any men, and especially for professed followers of Wesley, as we understand some of the Harpers to be, to occupy neutral ground, and refuse to lend their press to either side of the great conflict now waging between liberty and slavery; but to take sides with those whom Wesley declared to be exactly on, a level with men-stealers,' and against those to whom, in the person of Wilberforce, he said, as his dying exhortation, 'Go on, in the name of God, and in the power of his might, till even American slavery (the vilest that ever saw the sun) shall vanish before it ;'-this is past endurance, and ought to bring down on its authors the withering disapprobation of every friend of liberty in the land!" SLAVE-HOLDING MINISTERS A SCANDAL TO THEIR PROFESSION. On my return to Virginia, in 1815, after the discussion respecting man-stealing, which took place in the Presbyterian General Assembly of that year, I was informed, that there had been a great excitement during my absence, respecting a coloured man who belonged to a preacher, and I was referred to Mr. F. for the particulars. Mr. F. had been nurtured among the Friends, and although I believe not actually numbered with the Society, yet he retained many of their principles and habits of life. After the usual salutation, I introduced the subject, and he spontaneously disclosed his feelings in these words: "I believe that you preachers are the greatest hypocrites in the world." I answered, "Not all of us, I hope, Mr. F., certainly they are not all deceivers." Mr. F. replied, "How do I know? there's R., I thought he was the best man in the world, and look at the trick he has played me. I will hear no more of your preaching and praying, it is all hypocrisy." He finally said, that so far he could not apply his censure to me; but he had no doubt that if there was only the chance, I should swap, cheat, and drive slaves like the rest of them. After the first burst of his indignation had passed away, he resumed his usual equanimity, and then proceeded to recount the tale. Instead of the conversational form, I have condensed it into a narrative. It seems, that some years before this period, the preacher had exchanged a stallion horse for a citizen; the difference in value of the two animals was paid as usual. There was an understanding at the time of the barter, that when Tom should have fully earned the price paid for him, he should be emancipated; and with this enticing lure in prospect, Tom, to use their own expression, went to work like a negro. Merely to relieve his wife, and against their mutual principles and feelings, Mr. F. had purchased a coloured woman for domestic duties, and with this female, Tom by consent of the parties cohabited. Thus years revolved, until some one of the honest Christians around, put it into Tom's head, that he had earned much more than he cost, and therefore, was justly entitled to his freedom by the contract. Tom took proper advice, and being assured that the valuation of his labour was correct, began to talk to R., the preacher, about going free. His claim was at first disregarded; then denied; and as Tom became more clamorous, he was threatened. Amid this feverish excitement months passed away, until, in a momentary fit of delirious rage, Tom, finding that he could not be free, resolved to mutilate himself, and with an axe chopped off the thumb and fore-finger, I think, of his right hand. This gave a new aspect to the affair. R. speedily after removed to a distance, and not caring about Tom in his then sulky humour and helpless state, left him to be cured, and to work through the winter in any way which he could. At the latter end of May, 1815, the preacher appeared, to make a final disposition of Tom. He attempted to sell him in vain. By all persons, even those who had no truly just notions of their own, the man was deemed to be justly entitled to his freedom. These would not purchase. The other "brokers in the trade of human blood," would not buy a slave thus maimed and damaged, and the slave-barterer was in a quandary. The path of duty, justice, and humanity was plain and obvious-but that required the abandonment of several hundreds of dollars; and consequently, it was useless to expect that a man who had already violated his agreement, and been the cause of an irreparable injury, would voluntarily "do justly and love mercy." He knew well, that Tom would be a source of unceasing vexation around his own house, and therefore, he had no alternative but to traffic or emancipate him. The former seemed impracticable, and the latter would cost too much. A good con science is too precious a jewel for a slavedriving preacher to possess! One method only remained, and that was to tamper with Mr. F.; and through Tom's connexion with his domestic coloured female, and his benevolent sensibilities, to induce Mr. F. to purchase the man, notwithstanding his altered condition, at the original price. When this proposition was first made to F. it was indignantly rejected. "I bought a woman against my judgment, "" remarked the Friend, merely to preserve my wife's health, and she has been a burden upon my mind ever since, I will not trade in any more of my fellow-creatures. Set Tom free according to your promise, and if he chooses to stay about here, I will employ him." To this plan the preacher steadfastly objected. After some additional explanations, Mr. F. proceeded, "If you will emancipate Tom, I will manumit the woman; and she shall live with me as before upon the customary wages." This proffer was scouted by the preacher with equal inflexibility. Mr. F. then added, "Take Tom away with you; and rather than separate the man and woman, I will liberate her, that she may accompany him." But now another and an insuperable difficulty arose. The woman refused to be emancipated upon that condition; and with most provoking contempt declared, "I will not live with a preacher who has cheated my man out of his work and his freedom, and drove him, in a fit of rage, to cut off his thumb and finger; I would rather be Mr. F.'s slave. I will never live with that preacher." In this dilemma the affair remained; until after some days probably had elapsed, tired of the woman's lamentations at the idea of being obliged to separate from her man, wearied with Tom's unceasing importunities that F. would purchase him, with every promise of faithfulness, gratitude, and diligence to repay him; and exasperated at the unfeeling barbarity and unprincipled rapacity of the preacher, F. bought Tom, I believe, at the original price, which was paid for him in the barter for the horse. When Mr. F. had closed his detail, he subjoined, Excuse me, all you preachers are hypocrites, and as such, I never will have any thing more to do with you." He kept his word. He was always affable, kind, and friendly as ever; after my removal from Virginia used regularly to call upon me with all cordiality; often expressed his regret at the treatment I had experienced in Virginia, expressed his indignation against R. and his flagrant iniquity, denounced slavery in the most unmeasured terms; but unless he heard my farewell address when I left Virginia, I presume has never since attended the public worship of God. Bourne's Picture of Slavery. Slavery in America. No. VII. JANUARY, 1837. AMERICA AN EXAMPLE TO THE WORLD. AMERICA has frequently been referred to by philosophers as solving the problem in the theory of legislation, How far a people may be intrusted as the conservators of their own laws and institutions? whether those gradations of rank and influence which have obtained the precedence in old and established governments are necessary, or even favourable to the growth of a people's prosperity and happiness? Volumes have been written on this as an abstract question; and ail parties in the dispute cast their eyes towards the United States as the nation most favourably situated for working out the problem, and turning the theory into a substantial historical fact. The circumstances and experience of the first founders of this commonwealth gave them advantages of no ordinary character. The active agents in this great undertaking had been, for the most part, the proscribed and banished men of other countries, who had left the land of their birth that they might enjoy liberty, especially that of a religious character, on a larger and freer scale. With a pretty accurate knowledge of all that was valuable in the governments from which they had retired; with none of the pride of aristocracy or the pedantry of descent, and but little of that ignorance and obstinacy which characterize the plebeian ranks; with no such obstructions from above or below to distract or control them, they had a fair opportunity of conforming the institutions of their new settlement to the model of their own ideas. They had comparatively a blank world before them, and might inscribe it with characters of their own; restrained and guided only by that revelation for which they professed and felt a paramount respect. Perhaps the complimentary powers of language have on no subject been so severely taxed, by a large party of British Christians, as in describing the institutions of the Western continent. And in many cases, the U |