United States had become a "world power," he had the much greater task of interpreting that policy to the American people and relating it to the problems with which he had to deal.1 Mr. Wilson accepted this task with a deep sense of responsibility. It is probably not too much to say that in expounding the principles of an American policy to the American people he made a great, if not the greatest, contribution to the preparation of America for participation in the Great War.

His appeal of August twenty-seventh should be considered with this task in mind. He spoke of the obligation of the United States government in the protection of American interests, but he put first the "obligation to Mexico herself." American friendship for the Mexican people should be such as to lead to willing sacrifices in their time of trouble. By sacrifice he apparently meant the curtailment of American interests for the time being. In this he was emphasizing his position of March eleventh. The reasons why the United States should be so concerned with "the peace, prosperity, and contentment of Mexico" were to be found less in the enlargement thereby of the field for American business than in the enlargement of the field of self-government and the realization of the hopes and rights of a nation . whose best aspirations" had been "so long suppressed and disappointed."

In view of the apparent inability of Huerta to re

1 Relations with Colombia, England, Japan and Mexico called for immediate attention.

store order, or of his opponents to gain control, the President believed that it was the duty of the United States to volunteer to assist, if that were possible, "in effecting some arrangement which would bring relief and peace and set up a universally acknowledged political authority" in Mexico. It was to aid in the accomplishment of this end that Mr. Lind had been sent to Mexico City.

The failure of Mr. Lind to secure the retirement of Huerta had led the President to make this statement to Congress. He concluded with the following announcement of his future course,- an announcement that contains the spirit of the Wilson diplomatic policy throughout his term and upon all questions: "Clearly, everything that we do must be rooted in patience and done with calm and disinterested deliberation. . . . We can afford to exercise the self-restraint of a really great nation which realizes its own strength and scorns to misuse it."

There the matter rested, as far as the administration was concerned, for some time. In mid-October the Washington government found it expedient to send warnings to Huerta, and he was given to understand that the United States had no intention of recognizing his claim to the presidency even though the elections then in progress should result in his favour. The elections held under the Huerta régime were not the orderly processes of constitutional government which President Wilson found an essential to the restoration of normal conditions.

DEPENDENCIES

During the seven months in which President Wilson had been placing before the country his conception of foreign policy, there had been some speculation as to his probable procedure with relation to the Philippines. The Democratic party had given consideration to this matter in its platforms since 1900,1 and the platform of 1912 had favoured an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose to recognize the independence of the islands as soon as a stable government could be established. No certain statement was given of the President's views until October 6, 1913, when the newly-appointed GovernorGeneral delivered a message from the President to the citizens of the Philippine Islands. (Statement No. 9.) Here, as in other cases, the President put his faith in selfgovernment, and stated his intention to make it possible wherever his action might be of aid.2

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He summed up his faith in addressing an audience at Swarthmore College later in October when he said, "... the mere extent of the American conquest is not what gives America distinction in the annals of the world, but the professed purpose of the conquest which was to see to it that every foot of this land should be the home

1 Platforms of the Democratic party can be conveniently found in E. Stanwood, History of the Presidency, II (1897-1916) second edition. Platforms, 1900, pp. 58-63; 1904, pp. 119-124; 1908, pp. 186196; 1912, pp. 260-271; 1916, pp. 350-360.

2 The address of Governor General Harrison in presenting this message was published in the Weekly Times (Manila, P. I.) October 10, 1913.

of free, self-governed people, who should have no government whatever which did not rest upon the consent of the governed." (Statement No. 10.)

At this time Mr. Wilson was apparently conscious of a need to make this point increasingly clear to his own countrymen. At Philadelphia in October he said that he had asked himself this question, "How are you going to assist in some small part to give the American people and, by example, the peoples of the world more liberty, more happiness, more substantial prosperity; and how are you going to make that prosperity a common heritage instead of a selfish possession?" No. II.)

(Statement

GENERAL POLICY

But the full meaning of his thought with reference to his own foreign policy did not become absolutely clear until he made his address to the Southern Commercial Congress at Mobile on October 27, 1913. (Statement No. 12.) The address was carefully prepared and after the inaugural address deserves to rank first of all his utterances during the first year of his presidency.

He pointed out the dangers involved in the "concessions" obtained by foreign companies in South and Central America.1 He predicted that in time" concessions" would be displaced by investments. With pride he pointed to action by his administration in speeding this

1 These were the dangers referred to by him on March 18, 1913, in discussing the proposed six-power loan to China.

change.1 "It is a very perilous thing to determine the foreign policy of a nation in terms of material interest. It not only is unfair to those with whom you are dealing, but it is degrading as regards your own actions." Even while speaking such sentiments the President must have felt the possibility of a distinction between his ideal and the actions of his country in the past. He turned aside to say that the United States will never again seek one additional foot of territory by conquest."

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But there was a deeper meaning in the President's outlook upon the future of Latin America. He was striving to emphasize the need of equity in the relations between nations in order that international disputes might be avoided or readily settled. Comprehension," said he, "must be the soil in which shall grow all the fruits of friendship, and there is a reason and a compulsion lying behind all this which is dearer than anything else to thoughtful men of America. I mean the development of constitutional liberty in the world. Human rights, naagainst material in," President Wil

tional integrity, and opportunity as terests that .. is the issue.

son was in this address directing his thought to the Americas. But it is of significance that he proposed a course of action and enunciated a group of principles which three years later he wished to apply to the conduct of the United States in the world at large.

1 It may be that the President was referring to the withdrawal of the Pearson syndicate from its proposed investment in Colombia.