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place where this question woull receive the speediest or embarrass it; a discussion, too, which is expected by decision, and, therefore, he should be in favor of giving the people. It is true, those gentlemen have merely the Secretary's report that direction. He need not ad. availed themselves of their rights and privileges under the vert to the effect of documents thrown into this House in rules of this House; but, sir, the right of free discussion relation to the subject of the bank and the deposites, or ought to be paramount; it is a right dear to the American the speculations which were constantly going on in Uni- people, and I trust ever will so remain, and will always ted States Bank stock; and would not the same thing find a majority on this floor willing to maintain it. happen, and to a still greater extent, in rilation to the We are told that this communication from the Secretastock of State or local banks, where the public funds ry of the Treasury ought to be sent to the Committee of might be deposited? Was it not plain that a wider door Ways and Means for investigation. I am not willing that to fraudulent speculation could not by possibility have the discussion of the great and important questions inbeen devisei? All that was necessary was for the Secre- volved in that communication should now be taken from tary to communicate to a few favored individuals, that he before this House as a Committee of the Whole on the was about to remove the public money from one of these state of the Union, which may be considered as the great banks into another, and immediately an opportunity would public committee of the nation, and the document be conbe given to speculate in the stock of both.

signed to the private chamber of the Committee of Ways The Secretary had professed to give, in his report, all and Means, or any other committee. Do we not know, the reasons on which his removal of the deposites was sir, that subjects of importance are often smothered in founded. Now, he bad eitlier removed them on these these committee-rooms, are not permitted to see the night

, if he had, then, from the nature of these and the truth is kept from the people! The people are, in reasons, the Committee of the Whole on the state of the fact, sometimes cheated out of what is their right, and de Union was the appropriate place to consider and cliscuss sire a full, fair, and free discussion, by a reference to what them; but, if other reasons were to be fished up for the may be looked upon as a private committee of the House. act, from facts to be brought before a private commit- I do not say, sir, that the Committee of Ways and Means tec, then, the reasons he had officially given to that would act in this manner; but why do they wish to preHouse, were not the true reasons on which the depos- vent discussion now? Is it to be supposed that more light ites had been removed. Mr. C. said, he maintained now, can be thrown upon the subject by an investigation beas he ever had, that the United States Bank was not a fore a committee of nine, in ihe private recesses of this safe or proper place in which to kcep the public funds; building, than before this whole House, composed of the but he held them equally unsafe in the hands of corpo collected wisdom of the nation? 'Tis to this House the rate bodies of any description. He had never been ac- people look, 'tis here light is to be elicited in discussion, tuated by any feelings of personal hostility against the which shall be diffused throughout the country. Wly, bank, or against any of its directors or stockholders; and then, do gentlemen "retreat” (and I use the language or he had too great a regard to what must be the conse. the gentleman from Tennessee į Mr. Polk]) from this dis. quences of its sudden prostration, to desire any such cussion? We are told that discussion is premature" at thing. Ile too well knew what great suffering such a this time, and we are asked, Why act with precipitancy? course must inevitably inflict on the whole community. If, sir, it be premature for the great council of the nation The Government had, besides the seven millions of stock now to discuss the subjects referred to in the Secretary's in this institution, more than twelve millions in depos- communication, and to judge of his conduct, then, we ites. Could he join in any purpose of prostrating, at a must believe that he himself acted prematurely, and with blow, such an institution? Far be it from his mind. No; great precipitancy. If it were not so, why · retreat from he wished to see the bank eased down by a safe, and the discussion." gradual, and timely process, and not to see it broken up The gentlemen onight to have been prepared for it. and destroyed.

Semper paralus" ought to have been the motto of each. He asked gentlemen whether it could possibly be the It was well known that this subject would be up for deintention of Government to destroy the bank? Could they bate here; the papers from every part of the Union were be actuated by a design whose success must spread ruin announcing it. Every man believed that the removal of throughout this wide community? He had no hesitation the public money from the place of deposite assigned for in saying, that, should this be done, a greater evil could it by the act of Congress, would receive the earliest at; not be inflicted on the country. Mr. SPEIGHT being anxious, he said, to bring this by the Congress which passed the law chartering the

tention of Congress. This appears to have been intended preliminary question 10'a close, demanded the previous Bank of the United States. That clause which gives to question.

the Secretary the power which he has exercised, has been But the Ilouse refused to second his_call-yeas 102, often cited in this debate; but the gentlemen seem not to mays 113.

have regarded the language, or they would not now adMr. DENNY then rose and said, he would detain the vocate a proposition productive of delay. House but a few minutes with the remarks he wished to The sixteenth section requires the Secretary of the make in reply to observations made by some of the gen Treasury, in case he should direct a removal of the public the first place, thank the House for the opportunity which sion, and if not, immediately after the commencement of had thus been afforded, by the rejection, 'for the second the next session, the reasons of such order or direction: time, of the call for the previous question--a call made T'he act allows no delay; but the

subject shall be laid bilar and satisfactory to the people, it proves that there is an and prompt discussion. Congress evinced some foresight free and full discussion, who will not sustain the attempts aware that public credit and confidence in the money and made with a view to prevent an expression of sentiments rially affected by the exercise of this power by the See: upon a question connected with subjects deeply interest - retary of the Treasury. Therefore, it was deemedoria the attitude in which they present themselves before the nity of acting promptly and efficiently upon the subject: and resorting to every measure in their power to preven: I which migliz nave Parisen from the measure adopted by the people, in thus resisting discussion in the present instance, so as to correc P any inconvenience, and remedy and mine

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Secretary. The subject is of too much importance to Some gentlemen are doubtful on the subject of aladmit of delay. If it shall be sent to the Committee of leged embarrassment and distress. The gentleman from Ways and Means, a two-fold delay will result; it may lie New York (Mr. BeanDSLEY) thinks it is confined to the dormant in that committee for ninety days, as was said by commercial cities, and has not reached the country. For the gentleman from New York, [Mr. SELDEN,) and then this very reason we ought to come to an early decision, brought into this House to be discussed, after this delay, and act without delay. Let us not defer the consideration in a Coinmittee of the Whole House on the state of the of this subject until the distress with which New York, Union; and here the debate may be necessarily prolonged. Philadelphia, and other cities, is visited, shall have exThe Committee of Ways and Means may bring other mat- tended throughout the whole nation. Let us now apply ter into view in their report, requiring to be noticed. In the remedy, while the evil is within our reach. It will be this manner months may elapse, and the session draw to a too late if we shall wait until the panic shall have reached close before the storm which is threatening the country the extremities of the land, and every breeze from the shall be allayed; before public confidence, which has interior and the great West shall wait to our cars intellibeen materially shaken, shall be again restored, and all gence of ruin and disaster; it will be too late for thouapprehensions arising in the public mind from the conduct sands who may be ruined or embarrassed in conseof the Treasury be removed. The gentleman from New quence of the disturbed state of credit and public confiYork (Mr. BKARDBLEY) has declared that public opinion dence, as connected with the moneyed institutions of the is immoveably fixed relating to a restoration of the depos. country: ites; that they will not be placed again in the Bank of the I wish a prompt settlement of this question. This is United States. With due deference to the discernment the wish of the people, I firmly believe, as far as I can of that gentleman, and willing to allow that his opportu- collect the public opinion. It should not be left long nities of acquiring a knowledge of public opinion are in uncertainiy. In my opinion this is the only course. greater than my own, still, I must differ from bim. I do The interests of the merchants, of those engaged in not pretend to manufacture public opinion, but will take purchasing and transporting the produce of the coun. it as it comes to us in the papers of the day, which are the liry, of all engaged in commercial transactions, and of rebicles of public opinion. From these, sir, there is those in any manner connected with a sound currency; abundant proof that public opinion is not conclusively set- and public credit and confidence demand a spcedy and tled upon this subject. But admit, for the sake of argu- prompt adjustment of this great and important subject. ment, that public opinion is as the gentleman has stated, Mr. VANDERPOEL said, that be could not boast the why shun a free and open discussion at once before the honor claimed by one of his colleagues, (Mr. SELDEN,) of nation? Does not the unwillingness of the gentleman to representing the largest commercial city in the Union, agree to this course, furnish grounds justly to infer that but he might claim the honor of representing a people as he has not confidence in his own position, or in the stability deeply interested in the action of this Government, as are of public opinion. If it be unalterably settled, he has the worthy constituents of the gentleman from New York; nothing to fear from a discussion. Why, then, post- a district agricultural, commercial, and deeply interested pone it?

in manufactures; and (said Mr. V.) I only echo the sentiIt is said that it is not the province of the Committee of ments of my constituents in the avowal, that the removal the Whole House to investigate facts, but belongs to the of the public deposites from the Bank of the United private or standing committees of the House. The stand- Stares was loudly called for by the best interests of the ing committees have no other powers than those which country. they derive from this House; they are the creatures of It must (said Mr. V.) be conceded, that the disposition the House; if they possess power to investigate facts, the which the adversaries of the motion to reconsider propose House has it in a greater degree. In this country, public to make of the document in question, would be a deparmen who are willing to stand by their public acts, ought ture from the ordinary usage of the House; that it ever nerer to dread cven the closest scrutiny. They must ex. has been customary, and must, from the nature and fitpect to meet it, and cannot avoid it. The Secretary of ness of things, be customary, to refer papers of this dethe Treasury has submitted to Congress, in pursuance of scription to the Committee of Ways and Means. the law, the reasons for directing a removal of the pub. And on what ground is this departure from precedent lic deposites. By his own reasons he must stand. The and principle attempted to be justified? Oh, say gentlelaw does not require, nor does he ask, these reasons men, expedition, immediate action, is every thing in this to be sent to a committee for examination, and that matter. 'They tell us that the subjection of this report they may add new reasons, and find out new pretexts, to the ordinary routine of legislation, would scatter bank. fa post faclo, for the conduct of the Secretary. The ruptcy and distress, if not desolation, through your comlaw requires him to submit his own reasons, and not niercial cities. Indeed! Whence do gentlemen derive those of his friends. He has done so. We are to julge this argument? Is it from the report of the Secretary, of the sufficiency of those reasons, and not the Commit- which is said to be so all-sufficient for immediate action, tee of Ways and Means. On this subject I am not dis- and beyond which they object to go? No, sir, I have not posed to pin my faith to the sleere of the Committee of read it there, and the enemies to a reconsideration feel Ways and Means. The report of the Secretary is not themselves, therefore, compelled to go beyond the remade in order to guide the Committee of Ways and Means port, in quest of an apology for the unprecedented course in any investigation which they may undertake to make, for which they are contending. but to inform Congress why and wherefore he has re. But (said Mr. V.) is it indeed true that the commercial moved the public deposites.

distress resulting from the removal of the deposites, is so If these reasons be satisfactory to the House, if, in its great as to justify the precipitancy in proceeding which is estimation, they be sufficient to sustain and justify the now asked for? Is it true that Pandora's box was opened course pursued by the Secretary, we owe it to him, we upon this devoted country, when the fiat of the Secretaowe it to the country, promptly to say so. If the House, ry of the Treasury to remove the public deposites went after an examination, should be of a different opinion, and forth) Not so, sir-according to the statements of a docthink the reasons insufficient, it is equally our duty to deument, the truth of which gentlemen propose to admit, clare it speedily. By this course, public credit, public by going immediately into Committee of the Whole-í confidence, will be the sooner restored to a wholesome mean the report of the Secretary of the Treasury. condition, and the country the sooner relieved from em. This very able and triumphant document assigns other barrassment and pecuniary distress.

reasons for the commercial distress which has been de

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picted to us in such frightful colors. It tells us that, in The necessity of committing the report in question to iwo short months immediately before the removal of the the Committee of Ways and Means, is demonstrated by deposites, the Bank of the United States reduced its loans the strange incongruities in which gentlemen who ospose upwards of six millions of dollars; that this enormous the motion to reconsider, involve themselves. We were amount was, in so short a time, withdrawn from the busi. told by an eminent gentleman from Pennsylvania, a few ness of the country; that it had, shortly before the Presi- days ago, (Mr. BINNET,) whose very ingenious remarks ? dential election, increased its loans to an unprecedented | listened to with great interest, that a reference of this re. amount, for purposes which none can misunderstand; that port to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, the Government deposites were accumulating in the would, in effect, and for the purpose of discussion in Combank, and instead of loaning them, or discounting on the imittee of the Whole, be an admission of the truth of the strength of them, as it had been accustomed to do, it was, facts set forth in the report, and the gentleman resorted after having thus stretched itself to its utmost tension, to certain legal analogies to illustrate the view he took of withholding its usual accommodations from the public, the question. He told us that we were a court of review, and thus producing great embarrassment and distress in called upon to revise the act of the Secretary of the Treasyour commercial cities; and the Secretary of the Treas- ury; that his report was bis award, and that, as an appelsury, in this same document, tells us, that the alleviation late tribunal, we could not look beyond the report; that of this distress, thus occasioned by the sudden contraction it imbodied all the facts and reasons of the Secretary, and of the bank, was one great object in ordering a removal that the report must stand or fall by itself, and that nothof the deposites.

ling estrinsic could be received; and yet, strange as it may Sir, (said Mr. V.) I may be permitted to go a step fur- seem, he tells us almost in the same breath, that the pubther on this point. "I have the same right that other gen- lic deposites are unsafe in the State banks! Whence does tlemen exercise, to speculate and conjecture as to the he derive this fact? From the report of the Secretary? causes which have produced the great dearth of money No, sir. He travels out of the record to support his case. which has here heen so much deplored. I miglit suppose This proves the necessity of referring the subject to the that the demand for money was much increased, by rea- Committee of Ways and Means, who have power to in. son of the new adjustment of your tariff; that all your quire into this all-important question, whether the public woollens now pay cash duties; that the old bonds to Gov- deposites are safe. The Committee of the Whole on the ernment are now falling due; and that nearly two years state of the Union have no means of shedding new light of imposts are now paid in one! This, no doubt, has con- upon this all-important point. The question of the setributed much to the scarcity in the money market which curity or insecurity of your public treasure, is one of is now said to prevail.

vital interest to this nation, and should be referred to a Whence, sir, comes this astounding cry about the pub. committee that can make the necessary inquiry. lic distress? Does it not proceed from the friends of the Gentlemen tell us that they are willing, for the purpose bank, and do they not sound the tocsin of alarm louder of bringing the matter immediately before the Committee than the actual state of things warrants! The great mass of the Whole on the state of the Union, to admit the facts of the people, sir, are prosperous and happy beyond all set forth in the report, or, in other words, they seem to example; the fruit of the husbandman is abundant, and demur to the report of the Secretary. I deny, sir, that commands most liberal prices; lands are rapidly appre- any gentleman has a right to put in a demurrer that shall ciating, and your people are every where making the conclude the House. We may not be disposed to be very most rapid strides in enterprise and prosperity. There sceptical in relation to the facts and deductions of the may, indeed, be a pressure in the money market in your Secretary of the Treasury, and yet we may and should cities; but, sir, have there not always been Auctuations be disposed, from a spirit of justice to the bank, to reser there? Yes, sir, they are the inevitable results of improv- this matter to a committee to examine anıl report whether ident over-trading and mad speculation--the tide of the the Secretary bas not misconceived or given undue weight ocean ebbs and flows not more certainly, than does the to facts; and I deny that gentlemen have a right to make active capital of your commercial cities. An unprece- any admission that shall supersede this further satisfacdented inundation bas lately taken place, as the Secretary tion. While on the one band, I would not sanction the of the Treasury tells you, and if a little sickness and dis- relaxation of those over-indulgent prosecutors who have tress are occasioned by the too sudden evaporation of the heretofore filed their bills of indictnient agaiust the bank, unnatural waters, we should take consolation from the so, on the other, I would not be too really to try and conprospect, that the deleterious fountain from which they demn it upon the admissions of those who have undertaHowed, is soon to be dried up, rather than dole out our ken its defence. I shall vote for a reconsideration, to the lamentations about a little partial and temporary distress. end that the subject may be referred to the appropriate

But, it is said that the suspense which now occupies the committee. public mind, contributes largely to that distress; that the Mr. McDUFFIF. saiul, that he wished to offer a word depository banks dare not discount upon the Government or two as to the usual mode of proceeding in cases of this deposites, because they are fearful that the deposites will kind, and also to satisfy the House what would be the again be taken from them.

consequence of leaving the question where it had been of the actual existence of such suspense (said Mr. V.) [placed by a role of the House, viz. before a committee I know nothing; but what has transpired to justify it of the Wliole on the state of the Union. Gentlemen What has occurred to induce the belief that ihe public seemed to have entirely misapprehended the usual course deposites will be removed by this Congress? What cause of parliamentary proceeding. The invariable rule puris there to alarm the depository banks? Is it to be found sued in the British House of Commons, and in all deliberin the vote of last Thursday, in relation to the memorial ative bodies, so far as he knew, in this country, was to of the Government directors? Is it to be found in the in-settle the great and important principles in any public constancy and irresolution of the Secretary of the Treas- measure, in committee of the whole body; and when these ury, or of that distinguished patriot who presides over were definitely settled, by an expression of the mind of the Executive department of this Government? No, no, the House, if any details required arrangement, or any sir. The history of the past is enough to admonish the bill was to be prepared, to intrust this to a selector world not to found any hopes upon the fickleness or insta- standing committee. What would be done if this ducubility of those public functionaries who have ordered the ment should be left in custody of the Committee of the removal of the deposites. With the sagacity to see plainly Whole on the state of the Union? The great and leading the path of duty, they unite the energy to follow it. principles involved in the subject would be discussed and

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determined; and the sooner this could be done, the bet. stood: he did not mean to take as authentic all the gar

As to the details, they were, in comparison, wholly bled statements which had been made up from the weekunimportant to the community. If it were true that Con- ly statements of the bank. He was prepared to show gress has the right to take away the deposites from the that the Secretary had made mistakes in some instances, Bank of the United States on the ground stated by the amounting to two, three, and four millions, on very im. Secretary, viz. the expiration of the charter of the bank portant questions. He concluded by expressing his hope in 1836; if it had the right of violating the stipulations of that gentlemen on all sides of the House would be satis. the charter on the mere ground of public convenience; fied to go into the discussion, in some form, this day; and the House should so declare, the community would be and if they were to have a long report from the Commitput at rest; they would then know on what to calculate. tee of Ways and Means, in defence of the President, the If the Secretary had the right to take the deposites, or sooner they got it the better. rather, if the President had the right to order the Secre Mr. SUTIERLAND said that he had twice voted in tary to take them away from the bank on mere vague favor of the previous question; for be belonged to a class conjectures that the bank interfered in the public elec- of members in that House who were sincerely anxious to tions, and the House was ready so to declare, all they had have this question settled. He was a representative from to do was then to order the Committee of Ways and Means one of those great cities (Philadelphia) which had been to report a bill. These were the great principles Con- said to be so strongly agitated by the present state of gress had to settle; all the rest was comparatively unim- things: and he was sorry that any prolongation of the portant to the country. When once the point was def- present debate should longer prevent the final settlement initely settled, that the deposites were to be finally re- of the question. But for this debate, the House might, moved and not to be again placed in the Bank of the by this time, have received a report, and had a resolution United States, the subsequent arrangements might all be reported for its action. And how was the question to be gone into with the utmost deliberation. The distribution seitled? The gentleman from South Carolina had said which the Secretary had seen fit, or might hereafter think that it was parliamentary to settle it in Committee of the proper, to make of the public moneys, was a question Whole. But if this should get into Committee of the which Mr. McD. would not disturb, without the strongest Whole, without baving any proposition in a definite reasons shown. It was the great question of principle shape to deliberate upon, they would be pursuing shadthat required to be speedily determined. He repeated, ows, while the people would be the sufferers. Mr. S. that the usual parliamentary course was to discuss this in was for referring the paper to the Committee of Ways Committee of the Whole. When it should there be pro- and Means: and as to the danger of delay on the part of posed, it was his intention, if no other member should do that committee, if they should prove dilatory in renderit, to offer some resolutions in relation to it, on which iting their repori, he would be one of the first to compel would be for the committee to act. When they had them to action. He was for mecting the question. The acted, and the House had finally declared its will, the nation required it. The State banks required it. The public mind would be set at rest. He could with perfect United States Bank required it. He shouli be sorry could sincerity say that he was much more anxious that the he believe with a gentleman from New York, [Mr. Selcommunity should be relieved from its present state of DEN,) that the House would get no report for 90 days to suspense than in any thing else connected with the matter. come. He believed that committee would act with

He earnestly besought the House not to let the inter-promptitude. But if they should go into Committee of ests of the country be sacrificed while gentlemen were the whole, wbat would be the course of things? The playing a political game in that hall. If there was a man gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. McDuffie) had into be found who, for the sake of mere personal or politidicated to the House that he should offer there a series cal objects, could think of thus injuring his country, (he of resolutions: another gentleman would be ready with knew there could be no such man on that floor,) he would a different series; and a third gentleman with yet another; deserve and receive the execration of the community, and there would be no end to the debate. He did not A game like this might to some gentlemen be sport, but wish to add one feather to the argument of the Secretary. it was death to the country. For what, he asked, was all be wanted was that the subject should go to the apthis paper of the Secretary to be sent to a committee propriate committee. If the House should not be satisThere was nothing for the action of a committee in the fied with the resolution that committee should propose, case. Every fact that could be needed was found, either why, they could vote it down. There must be an issue in the report itself, or in the weekly statements of the made up somewhere: was it not more likely to be done bank. It was true that the report of the bank directors spiedily in a small committee than in a large one? Let did Jeny many of the allegations of the Secretary, yet the things take their usual course. Ile concurred with the House could judge of the correctness of his statements. gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Mchurpir,] that How? By comparing them with the weekly statements of which way soever the question went, a decision ought to the bank. The committec would have all the facts on be made of it this day. Ile said action! action! action! record before it. What was there for a standing or a se-action was better than debate. lect committee to do! He could imagine nothing, unless, Mr. FOOT said, the gentleman from Pennsylvania had indeed, gentlemen wished for a long report in vindication avowed himself as belonging to one side of this House. of the Executive. Now, one would suppose that the Pres. Sir, said Mr. F., I do not know to what sicle, or party, in ident had given his reasons at quite sufficient length in a this House, I belong, or whether to any one; and if I did, certain paper, (to which it was in order to refer, since surely I would not avow it on a question of such deep inthe President had declared it to be a public document.) teresi as that now under consideraction. The gentleman is He had ordered the deposites removed, although he knew in favor of a speedy and prompt decision; he would rethat Congress would meet within sixty days; and he had fer it to the Committee of Ways and Means, and, if they set forth his reasons. Were gentlemen not satisfied with would not act speedily, he would demand a decision. the President's account, and the account of his Secretary! But, sir, the gentleman from South Carolina has pledged Did they think they did not still stand strongly enough? himself immediately to offer a resolution for consideration Not a word had been heard as yet by the House from the in Committee of the W'hole; and if prompt action of the bank. In the name of heaven, let them consent to go House be the gentleman's object, surely it will be obinto committee with these. Surely, if the friends of the tained by going into Committee of the whole on the bank were satisfied, the friends of the President need not state of the Union. But I will not continue the discusto complain. He wished, however, to be clearly under-Ision. My principal object in rising was to reply to the

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(Dec. 17, 1833.

gentleman from Tennessee, who declared that I was mis- Why then send the paper to a committee? They wanted taken in my statement that no such paper was ever com- neither facts, nor opinions, nor resolutions: they had all municated to Congress, and referred me to a letter of before them which was necessary. He believed the Mr. Crawford. This letter I have examined, and can reasons of the Secretary were amply sufficient; and he find no more analogy than between a declaration and a could not agree that any thing more was needed for the bill of exceptions, alike neither in substance nor in de-action of the House. sign. Mr. C. gave the reasons why the deposites were Mr. PEYTON said, the people had pronounced a judg. not immediately made in the United States Bank-which ment on this subject, which we were now called upon were, to prevent a shock in the commercial community, hastily to reverse. The American people dread no power and to prevent pressure on the banks. This paper has a –that of a corporation, or of any other power. The different object; and its consequences no man can fore- alarm attempted to be excited was without foundation. sce. The gentleman from Pennsylvania still claims pre-llis own opinion was, that the subject ought to be refercedent for this course of proceeding. There is no pre- red first to a committee, and, upon the report of that cedent wbich warrants it. The letter of Mr. Crawford committee, the House should act. The movement of was not referred to any committee, but was laid on the the Secretary of the Treasury, two months in advance of table, as not of sufficient interest to require any action of the meeting of Congress, was necessary, he contended, in Congress. We are all liable to mistake; but, sir, I still order to prevent the bank from withdrawing from the repeat, there is no precedent for this course. The par- general circulation of the country nine millions of dollars liamentary rule quoted by me yesterday setiles the point. more. He referred to many charges against the bank, The Committee of the whole settle principles, and their which, unless gentlemen on the other side admitted them, resolutions are then referred to other committees, to pre- ought to be subjects of investigation in a standing com, pare bills, if necessary. It is in vain to attempt to stifle mittee. Facts, as to which any dispute should arise, could discussion--this subject must and will be discussed. De- not be settled in the Committee of the Whole. bate cannot be prevented by previous question, but by Mr. DAVIS, of Massachusetts, observed that he had but force; and, let me say, if liberty ever dics in this country, a word to say; for he should not attempt to debate the its expiring agonies will be witnessed in this hall. main question, fettered as it was by the rules as explained

Mr. JONES, of Georgia, said he agreed with the gen. from the Chair. lle would call the Altention of the tleman from South Carolina (Mr. McDUFFIB) that it was House to the attitude which it stood, and without ma. important there should be some decision without delay: king any pretension to understand the rules of order, he and further, that the most speedy course to obtain it would would submit to its good sense, whether a right exposition be to send the subject to the Committee of the whole of the matter in hand bad been giren. The question on the state of the Union. Thus far he was prepared to pending was raised by a motion to reconsider a votc icgo with him: but he must be cxcused if he could not ferring the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, in agree as to what decision such a committee was likely to which he assigns his reasons for removing the public de. come to. He could not believe, with that gentleman, posites from the Bank of the United States to certain prithat the Secretary's reasons would be found insufficient;vate banks, to a Committee of the Wbole on the state of nor could he agree in the position that the House was the the Union. proper organ to act in relation to the removal. That be. This document was referred to this committee, because longed solely to the Secretary of the Treasury- who was a kindred document upon the same subject, the Presito report his reasons to the House, and the House was to dent's message, had been referred to it, and it was thought judge of them. He had roted once, and voted twice, correct that ilie whole matter should be together, the against the previous question, and always should vote possession of one committee. This first thought was against it whenever it was attempted to be used for the right; for no disposition of it could be more appropriate, purpose of precluding discussion on subjects of national The proposition now is to rescind this vote, and send the importance. It was due to the Government, to the bank, Secretary's report to the Committee of Ways and Means and to the country, that the representatives of the peo -and wliy send it there? What purpose is to be subser. ple should act with promptitude. If the views of the red by separating it from the message. Does the mover Government were right, let it be said so: if they were [Mr. POLK) wish to suppress debate on this topic which is wrong, let it be said, and let the people know speedily agitating the country! Suppose he succeeds; he wrests whether the deposites were, or were not, to be restored from the committee this document, and gets possession of It appeared to him gentlemen were wrong in supposing it, but the message is left with the Committee of the that the House needed any thing beyond the reasons Whole on the state of the Union, and consequently the stated by the Secretary himself

. 'ihat officer had power subject will remain there, open for discussion, until ibat is to remove the deposites, and he was then required to re. also disposed of. port his reasons to Congress. This he had done: and into It has, howerer, been urged with much zeal, upon the what more could the House inquire? lle hard giren his House, that this paper should be sent to the Commiitee of facts, and liis deductions from them: the House was to Ways and Means, and a leading argument in support of julge from these, as stated, whether he was justified in the proposition has been, that it is in accordance with what he had done. He could not agree that it would be usage, with the practice and rules of the llouse.

Mr. D. competent for the Committee of the whole to contradict said, if he had a right understanding of this matter, the the facts stated by the Secretary. The only question for argument was without foundation, though nearly erery them to settle would be whether, admitting the facts to be gentleman bad assumed it who had spoken in favor of the as stated, the Secretary's deductions had been well found- motion. He called on the llouse to look at the sense and ed. He agried with the gentleman from New York (Mr. meaning of the parliamentary rule. All ordinary matters Silden) that a demurrer had been filed, and that all dis- occurring from day to day, when presented to the House, pute on the facts was precluded.

are referred by the House to a standing or select commit. But, for what was the report to be sent to the Com- tee. This, however, was not the case with the annual mittee of Ways and Means that they might report to message of the President and the matters connected with the House the facts which the Secretary had reported? it. That paper, with the accompanying documents, was That unnecessary. Tu echo his reductions from ulways referred to the Committee of the Whole on the those facts! That was as unnecessary. And as to having state of the Union. This disposition of it formed an era resolution reported for the action of the House, would ception to the ordinary course of business--and why? Be. not a resolution be offered in Committec of the Whole cause it was supposed to contain matters touching this

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