MAY 1, 1834.]

President's Protest.-Pennsylvania Memorials.

[SENATE.

in this or any other country, some of the federalists who county, and were signed without solicitation. This me united with and adhere to the Jackson party, are the most morial also states succinctly and forcibly the views of the detestable. They appear to have cut themselves loose from every tie, and obligation, and principle, which should bind men to their country and society.

signers.

Mr. McK. said he had yet another memorial of the same kind to present, from sixteen hundred citizens of The Senator from Tennessee adverted to the chequer-Bradford county; and this, he said, came quite home. ed condition of the opposition, without seeming to be Bradford was the county in which he resided, and a strong conscious that his own party did not present one uniform Jackson county. If, said Mr. McK., it has been my misground. It is made up of federalists and republicans, fortune to differ from a portion of my constituents on friends and opponents of internal improvements, support- some points, it was nevertheless my desire to represent ers and opposers of the tariff, bank and anti-bank men, them candidly and fairly. This, too, was said to be withnullifiers and union men, all sorts, and sizes, and colors, out distinction of party, and, in a great measure, he blue, black, and gray. He particularly objects to the knew this to be true; and, in further confirmation, he exclusive appropriation of the appellation whig by the had received a letter, accompanying the memorial, from opposition, or, rather to the correlative appellation being James P. Bull and Thomas Elliott, one an active supportattached to his party. I have no doubt, sir, that there er and the other a leading opponent of the administraare many true and genuine whigs in the administration tion. They say, in transmitting the memorial, they departy, but they are leaving it by hundreds and thousands; sire it to be distinctly understood, that they are actuated and, before the appearance of white frost in the next au- by no party or political motives, and they sincerely regret tumn, they will all have abandoned a position so irrecon- and deplore the manner in which this question has, by cilable with their patriotic principles. The Senator artful means and designing men, been mingled with the thinks that there is no coverlet large enough to 'protect party conflicts of the day. They deem it a subject too all the various elements of the opposition. He is mis- deeply affecting the interests of every class of the comtaken; there is one of sufficiently capacious dimensions,munity, to be prostituted to the base purposes of personal recently wove at a Jackson loom, called a protest; on aggrandizement, and express a hope that every patriot which is marked a violation of the constitution, and an will discountenance the connexion of this question with assumption of enormous executive power; and the honor- the politics of the country. able Senator had better hasten to place himself under the Mr. McK. said he had another paper to present, of an banners of those who are contending against power and opposite character to those he had just presented, and prerogative, for free institutions and civil liberty. And from a source equally respectable; for, said Mr. McK., he had better lose no time; for the protest is the last my constituents are all respectable. He said it was the stroke upon the last nail driven into the coffin-not of proceedings of a public meeting of citizens of NorthJackson, may he live a thousand years!-but of Jack-ampton county, recently held at Easton, Pennsylvania. They approve of the removal of the deposites, and are opposed to the re-charter of the United States Bank, and Mr. WRIGHT obtained the floor, and, upon his mo- sustain, generally, the action of the President in refertion, ence to both.

sonism.

When Mr. CLAY had concluded

The Senate adjourned.

THURSDAY, MAY 1.

PENNSYLVANIA MEMORIALS.

Mr. WEBSTER said he did not hear the name of the county from whence the first memorial came.

Mr. McKEAN replied, Northumberland.

Mr. WEBSTER said, if he remembered the situation of Northumberland county on the map, it was in the cen

Mr. McKEAN rose to present memorials from North-tral part of the State of Pennsylvania. The two other umberland, Susquehanna, and Bradford counties, in the counties were situated on the New York line. It became State of Pennsylvania, opposed to the removal of the highly important to know in regard to these memorials, deposites. He said he had been requested to present whether they did speak the voice of the people, or the memorial of about two hundred and sixty inhabitants whether they were the mere expressions of party feeling, of the borough of Milton, in Northumberland, one of the whatever form it might assume. The honorable colmiddle counties of Pennsylvania. They speak in the league of the Senator from Pennsylvania who presented usual language of their embarrassments and pecuniary these memorials, in some remarks made a few days ago, distress. They are opposed to the removal of the depos- stated that we had heard nothing of consequence from ites, and in favor of re-chartering the United States Bank. Pennsylvania, against the measures of the Executive, but They say that a large majority of them were the original from the city of Philadelphia; that the great mass of its friends of General Jackson, and supported him in 1832. population was in favor of the administration, and that Many of them, he (Mr. McK.) knew had been the active a revolution was going on in its favor. Now, it struck friends of the General. The memorial gave a full and him that it was founded in truth and justice, and could lucid account and exposé of the views and principles of not fail to have great influence on public measures, if it the petitioners. be true that the people are in favor of the measures of Mr. McK. said he had another similar memorial, signed the Executive, in reference to the great questions treated by nearly thirteen hundred citizens of Susquehanna coun-of in the memorials. And if it be true that no voice ty, and this, he said, came nearer home. Susquehanna has been heard but that raised by a desperate party adjoined the county in which he resided; and, by a let-feeling, the full knowledge of that fact could not but ter received from a valued and constant personal and po- strengthen the Government, and encourage it to persist litical friend of his own, and a uniform supporter of Gen-in its measures.

eral Jackson, he was requested to state that the signers Now, with great respect to the Senator from Pennsylwere without distinction of party, and that it contained vania, [Mr. McKEAN,] he should not like to make any the names of the sheriff, county commissioners, and a inquiry of him that would create any embarrassment, but majority of their influential men, and at least two-thirds as he said he had presented the names of those, some of of the whole number of votes usually given at the annual whom were friends of the administration, and most of elections in that county, and at least five hundred of the whom he knew, and as he resided in one of the counties, signers voted for General Jackson in 1832. He further he (Mr. W.) would like to know of him, if he would not states, that no extra pains were taken to procure signers. take it amiss, whether there was or was not a deep and The petitions were left at different public places in the growing disapprobation of the measures of the Executive

SENATE.]

Pennsylvania Memorials.—Baltimore Proceedings.

[MAY 1, 1834.

in relation to the removal of the deposites from the Bank bank bill in terms of evident regret, declares that the of the United States? bank has rendered service, and expresses the belief, that Mr. McKEAN replied that he had not the slighest ob-if another similar bill shall be passed, it will not experijection to answering the inquiry. He stated the fact ence the same fate from the President. And the numer that, so far as he knew the county of Northumberland, it ous subscribers to this memorial testify that, in voting for contained a number of persons who were actively en- the re-election of the President, they did not intend to gaged in the support of the present Executive. They decide against the Bank of the United States. How, themselves stated that they were the original friends of after this strong evidence, can the President assert, or his General Jackson, and voted for him in 1832. He also friends boldly repeat and reiterate, as they have done, in stated that, in his own county, their memorial was signed this Senate, that the people of the United States, by rewithout distinction of party. Although he did not know electing him, pronounced a decision against the Bank of the sentiments of every gentleman in his county, yet the United States. those gentleman who were responsible to him for the memorial, authorized him to state that fact.

Mr. CLAY moved the printing and reference of the Bald Eagle memorial, which was ordered accordingly. BALTIMORE PROCEEDINGS.

His desire, Mr. McK. said, was to reply to the question of the gentleman from Massachusetts distinctly. As far as he knew, the people of the counties with which he Mr. CHAMBERS rose and said, he was requested by was acquainted (although he unfortunately differed with the officers of a large public meeting just held by the them on some points) were much dissatisfied with the re- whigs of Baltimore, to present its proceedings to the moval of the public deposites. There was much discon- Senate. The meeting was held in consequence of the tent, and he believed that the people were against the invitation of the President in his appeal to the peopleadministration for its late measures, though they attribu- they had maturely considered it, and passed sentence ted them only to error of judgment. He did not mean to upon the various questions which were the subject-matter be understood, Mr. McK. said, as conveying the idea that of it, and now, here it was in the shape of a special ver the people of Pennsylvania were opposed to the Execu-dict, in which the people of Baltimore have set forth tive; he only meant that they were generally opposed to their opinions. The gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. the removal of the deposites, which they attributed, as GRUNDY] might suppose that this allusion to whig_prin before said, to error. ciples, implied the opposite of it in his party, and that Mr. WEBSTER said he did not ask what were the this coverlet or blanket was not broad enough to insentiments of the people of Pennsylvania, whether they clude us all; but, at all events, they were so well satisfied were for or against the administration. But he simply with this covering, that they did not mean to be dis asked whether they disapproved of the recent measures robed of it. Mr. C. then commented at large on the of the Executive, and he now understood that they gen- President's protest, condemning the doctrines contained erally did. He was obliged to the gentleman for his can-in it. He alluded to the Panama mission, and the opindid answers, and he thought that they would produce a ions communicated to the Senate by Mr. Adams when good effect. President, of his power to send a minister there in the recess, and that gentlemen who now sustained the administration, condemned those opinions.

The memorials were then referred, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. C. concluded by moving that the proceedings be read, and take the usual reference.

Mr. CLAY said, that he rose to present a memorial, which would neutralize the resolutions last offered by the Senator from Pennsylvania, [Mr. MCKEAN,] adopted at a Mr. GRUNDY said he had carefully abstained from saymeeting in Northampton county, in Pennsylvania. By-ing any thing in the discussions upon these memorials. the-by, those resolutions charge the existence of a coali- His constituents had sent none here, and he was inclined tion in this Senate. There can be no coalition more to leave them to the expression of their own sentiments chequered or mosaic, than that which is implied by the in their own time and way. He was now called up for denomination assumed by the meeting which passed those sentiments delivered on another occasion, and he regret resolutions. They call themselves Democratic Republi- ted to find his opinions questioned on the presentation of can, Jackson, Wolf meeting. He should be glad to know a bank memorial. Between himself and the gentleman what that meant?-what system of policy, or politics, it from Maryland, [Mr. CHAMBERS,] the same feeling existimplied? ed as among all other citizens. We were all patriots and

The memorial with the presentation of which he was whigs, and all admitted it. But this new name the gencharged, was from Bald Eagle township, in Centre coun-tleman was pressing as if it was of some service to him, ty, Pennsylvania. It comes from the head of that great and he has referred to the Panama mission, and says that State, and he wished its strong description of the distress- the opponents of Executive usurpation are whigs. But es and sufferings which prevail in that quarter, could was the gentleman from Maryland a whig then, was he of penetrate the hearts of the administration and its sup- the party then, for which he now claims this name? He porters. It attributes the state of things existing there to would venture to say, that the gentleman then voted for the withdrawal of the public deposites, and it proposes this very power which was then claimed by the Execu the simple and obvious remedy of the Executive retra- tive, and about to be exercised. Well, if those who supcing its steps, and re-establishing the laws. The memorial port it now are not as good as their opponents, he could is couched in decorous and respectful language. It is ac- say that the gentleman had improved in his whiggism. companied by a letter, which states that three-fourths of And whether this was owing to a change in his condition, the subscribers to the memorial have been, until very was matter for his own consideration. But a word in rerecently, the most unyielding friends of the present ad-gard to the difference of position which they now occu ministration; and he would further state, for the comfort pied. What had Mr. Adams done at that time? Nothing, of the supporters of the Executive, that the letter adds, but to give his opinion that he had a right to send such a that the Presidential protest has reached us, and I feel mission, and thereupon he submitted the subject to Consafe in assuring you that its dangerous doctrines will ex-gress. The Senate then took it up, as it was their duty cite almost universal reprobation." to do, and pronounced their opinion. But was Mr. Adams

Mr. President, the memorial presented from Pennsyl- charged with a violation of the constitution and laws of vania this morning by the Senator, [Mr. MCKEAN,] sets the country? No, the Senate only differed with him in forth a part of the message of Governor Wolf, in Decem- opinion in regard to the power which he intimated he ber, 1832. The Governor adverts to the veto of the possessed. Now, the President was directly charged

sailed.

[SENATE.

with a violation of the constitution and laws. Here was as traitors. In Philadelphia, too, these gentlemen were something clear, positive, palpable, and tangible. In the received not only with impunity, but with applause. other instance there was nothing but an error in judg- This only showed how changeable we are, and he ment imputed. He had no objection whatever that the could not say how it might all be in six months hence, gentleman from Maryland should call his friends whigs. for if fifteen thousand men in Baltimore twelve months All he (Mr. G.) contended against was the assumption ago considered that almost treason which they were now that they were the exclusive whigs, for they were not de- hugging to their bosoms as patriotism, we did not know serving of the title. If the name was significant of the what it might be twelve months hence. They had given old tenets upon politics, he hoped that the whigs would us their opinions to-day, and by that time they might include ninety-nine-hundredths of the people. Whigs change them, and therefore he could not calculate where they were, but there was no class exclusively so. Mr. they might be found hereafter. Now, he took no excepG. admitted that among the friends of the administration tion whatever to all this, and yesterday, or the day prethere were a great variety of opinions on various subjects, ceding, when the gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. CLAY} but that fact only showed that they did not yield their was lecturing Governor Wolf about changing his opinions, opinions to the opinions or will of one man. We (the it was saying nothing more than what was applicable to friends of the administration) stood, in our humble judg- the gentleman himself. Governor Wolf was formerly ment, on the principles which were upheld in '99, and in favor of the bank, and now he was against it, no doubt which were carried down to the present day. And be- from the most honest convictions. The Senator himself tween the gentleman from Maryland and himself there had changed his own opinion on the same subject; there. was not so much difference, after all. Here was a cover fore, no censure could attach to gentlemen for entertainunder which we could both get, and therefore, in regard ing one opinion to-day, and on further consideration, to their whiggism, there was not so much difference as changing it, and acting on it. So, some of these citizens the gentleman thought. Mr. G. believed they were whigs of Baltimore were once friends of the President; they and we were whigs, but he hoped the gentleman would had now changed, but might they not come back? He not throw the correlative of the term on him, for he did not think it strange that there should be changes in thought he did not deserve it, and if the gentleman would be our large cities. They were suffering distress, and they willing to let us all go on as whigs, no inconvenience would had been told that the President was the cause of it, but result from it. But when he excludes us, who are as true when they examined the matter, they might find out whigs as any, then we feel an insurrectionary spirit, and that the cause of it was of a very different nature. Mr. we are not quite satisfied with the treatment. These G. thought the answer of the gentleman from Kentucky citizens of Baltimore then, have taken the name of whigs, to his speech was sufficient, and yet the gentleman from and there are none more deserving of it. But when they Maryland comes in and adds a new codicil to the will, and get a new name, and they make a great boast of it, it the codicil (a thing that is very uncommon) is longer than seemed like claiming what they never had before. Now, the will itself. He (Mr. G.) did not like personal rethey were whigs long before this new assumption of the marks. He knew himself to be weak, vulnerable, and name. They were whigs in the revolution, and also in the last war, and the citizens of Baltimore were not doing very imperfect, and therefore he did not like to be asthemselves justice to claim just now what they had borne Mr. CHAMBERS inquired what he had said which for the last half century, and it was not right for their had grieved the honorable member? friends to put this garment on them, as if it were new, Mr. GRUNDY said, that he had not been grieved at when it is an old one, long worn by them, and is none the any thing the honorable member had said. The burden worse for wear. He, therefore, objected to the friends he had imposed on him was light, and easy to be borne. of the whigs of Baltimore putting this mantle on as for But what he had said in his speech had been answered, the first time, for they had it before; it was no new in- and he took exception to having it answered over again. vention, or new thing. But, sir, we go under a name, But he would add nothing more upon these memorials; and a good old one too, which distinguished us from all but if they came from his State, he would endeavor to others. In the struggle between the elder Adams and do them justice. These memorialists had taken up a Mr. Jefferson, the friends of Mr. Jefferson were called subject, and decided that, in the absence of all legislative democrats, and the friends of Mr. Adams aristocrats, by purposes, where there is no design, avowed or implied, way of derision, and the name of republican was assumed. of legislative action, either House of Congress has a right This was significant as to the powers of the General Gov- to take up the conduct of any individual, discuss it, and ernment and its different branches. Now, this term decide upon it. If we should adopt this course, we would whig will not do as a designation of party, because it in- have but little time for legitimate legislation W-ebould cludes a majority of all parties. Gentlemen have found try the President, and conden him, and then the Secreout that the term national republican will not answer their tary of State, and then take up Governor Wolf, if you purpose, because it cannot be spread broad enough to please, and decide on him; and so go on and decide upon embrace a majority. The whigs would cover every body; all other officers in the Government, against whom we and therefore he wanted the gentleman to find some name may entertain prejudices. Then we should take up the that would do. National republican would not cover the Governor of South Carolina, and Mr. G. thought he would South-it would not cross the Potomac. You might build be in a very bad way; he would probably be hung by your contemplated fine bridge across that river, and still the sentence of this body. We should then proceed to it would not cross it for the South, not even so far as Vir-examine all the public men in the country. Well, this ginia or North Carolina; and as to South Carolina, it could might all be right, but he thought we should not have not get within sight of it. South Carolina was fond of a full time to make all these examinations. He thought name which she would not swap for it, because these nul- we came here to make laws, and provide for the public lifiers of the South wanted to establish their own princi- good and general welfare; but if we were to give opinions ples. Well, the time was, when they could not get out on all the public men in the country, it might be a more of the limits of South Carolina with them; and they were pleasant employment, and perhaps, in the opinions of quite pent up there-but they seem to have expanded some gentlemen, redound more to the good of mankind, since. He (Mr. G.) had not read, but he had heard much to censure public men, than make laws. We should do talk of the nullifying gentlemen lately visiting north little else. He would not, therefore, subscribe to the of this place; and they were taken to the bosom by men, doctrine that we have a right merely to express an opinwho, twelve months ago, were ready to denounce them ion, and especially for the Senate, because we are the VOL. X.-100

SENATE.]

Baltimore Proceedings.

[MAY 1, 1834.

ultimate triers of all officers of the General Government; der the broad banner of the constitution. Does the Presand if we have a right, beforehand, to enter judgment, byterian give up his principles because he joins the Episimpeachment is a mere matter of form. He could not, copalian and marches by his side to fight against the therefore, concur in the sentiments expressed by the British? We have united on a principle broad enough to citizens of Baltimore. include all. The gentleman comprehends all this. There

Mr. CHAMBERS said that the Senator from Tennessee [are none so dull as those who will not understand-none had made a remark which was to him entirely unintelli- so blind as those who will not see. The gentlemen gible, and if he (Mr. C.) had no other apology to offer who had been referred to had gone to Baltimore, and for rising to answer the Senator, he might claim one for had endeavored to awaken the people. They have done having answered some of the remarks, from the difficulty so, and I will tell the gentleman, whether the note is for he had to understand precisely what he meant. The nullification or consolidation, it will call forth a warm reSenator says that when he rebukes, he avoids personal sponse, and attract universal approbation; whether they allusions, that he is vulnerable and weak, and did not are told by distinguished and eloquent advocates of nulli. like to be assailed. Now, (said Mr. C.,) all this is point- fication or consolidation, when the people begin to uned at me, and I ask the Senator of what he complains? derstand that their constitution, their liberties and rights What does he complain of? For he does complain in are in danger, that all power is going out of their hands, piteous terms. and that usurpation is the order of the day, there will be a common flag, and every effort will be made to drive from the Chair him who shall have been found unworthy Mr. CHAMBERS said he should now add another codi- of the power which the constitution has placed in his hands. eil. Had the gentleman from Tennessee a constitutional ex- The gentleman thinks that we require a large cover emption from criticism? Was he to be exempt from all re-for our party, and I have yet to learn if he intends to mark? He had said himself that he made a remark some come under it. The gentleman has not always been able years ago, which was the origin of the remark made now, to keep the step, and if he had not yet got it, there will that he had used the expression “moral treason," and be some jostling between him and his companions. I that it had now been quoted and adopted. What was have never yet been able to get the Jackson step. The the position now occupied by the gentleman? He seem-gentleman may have been more successful, but I believe ed to be floating between nullification and Jacksonism. he is not very perfect, although he has tried hard to obBecause his speech had been once answered, he rebuked tain it.

Mr. GRUNDY said, Because I was dragged into the discussion, and had given no provocation.

gentlemen for answering again. If the gentleman were The gentleman is of opinion that there is no similarity to to advance such doctrines in Baltimore, as he had ad- this case in the Panama mission. That was merely an error vanced here, he would find ten thousand men ready to in thought: this was an error in act. It was precisely so. rebuke him, as well as his master, whether the rebuke Mr. Adams only thought he had the power; but General would be acceptable or unacceptable. No man could Jackson did not stop at thinking. While Mr. Adams assume an exemption from criticism; and this was the first thought that he might have had it, General Jackson time he had heard any man so sensitive as to consider a seizes and wields it.

remark in the light of a rebuke.

The gentleman thinks there is no relevance in what I A word or two now as to what the Senator had said.read from the debates. What has the President done? He had labored for half an hour to show what party had He has sent in his protest, for the purpose of overthrowa right to the name of whig. The right was claimed on ing our power, and putting us down. Yet, as a matter our side. It was disputed. He (Mr. C.) had re-asserted of course, the Senator goes the whole in favor of the it. The Senator from Tennessee said, "It wont do." protest. The gentleman is responsible for his acts only Now, (said Mr. C.,) I think it will do. The gentleman to his State, and I have nothing to say between him and talked the other day about the incoherent materials of his constituents. I am against the protest, and I take my the opposition, and said this was an old name. It was an course without waiting for any changes. old name; I have borne it from my infancy, and I cannot The error of Mr. Adams was an error of thought, not now assume it as a new name, because it is old. If it was of fact. The gentleman says I was then on the side of an old name, what objection is there to a party holding power, that I was not acting on the whig principles, not it which is understood to have borne the name for forty opposing executive encroachment. What was the occa years. The objection is not good. The gentleman be- sion to which the gentleman refers? A despised and longs now to the Jackson party-a party not known but oppressed people, in the southern portion of this contifor a few years. Can the gentleman tell what name will nent, had been long the object of universal sympathy belong to the next party to which he may be attached? and regard among the American nation. An individual Can he foretel the new name of his party! The gentle-who acts from the noblest motives, and is not slow in the man will have some difficulty to recognise tus party after movements of his mind, of whom I would say more if he a short time, under its present name. The gentleman were farther from me, took up the case, and advocated says that nullification is not yet given up, but that the the cause of that oppressed people. Mr. Adams carried national republicans were tired of their name. They out that feeling. Was there any violation of whiggism are not tired; they glory in the name; and I mean to con- in this? I think it was the very essence of the true whig tinue to be a national republican. But what surprises principles. It was the act of whigs, and I went with it. me most, is, to hear from the gentleman that Philadelphia I never indeed voted for the resolutions, because they and Baltimore have become converts to nullification. never came to a vote. There was a great deal of debate Mr. GRUNDY explained, that he did not say they for the purpose of defeating them. They were discussed de die in diem, and were finally laid on the table. This Mr. CHAMBERS. I am at a loss to understand the gen-was the history of the matter. I was in favor of the resotleman. He said that the nullifiers had been to Phila-lutions, of giving to that people a free constitution, and delphia and to Baltimore, and that the people of those a government of laws.

were converts.

cities had hugged them to their bosoms. Yet they were I am not aware of any thing else in the gentleman's not converts to nullification! The people had become speech which I am called on to notice. If the Senator attached to the nullifiers, because they took sides with supposes that I alluded to him in an unkind feeling, he is the people. There was now a danger more imminent, unjust to himself and to me. I had no such feeling to an enemy more dangerous to the country, than nullifica- gratify. I have merely used a license which is customary, tion; and every man quits his prejudices and rallies un-correct, and legitimate, common to every one in argu

ment, and a right which I cannot, and will not consent to give up.

[SENATE.

his opinions, except for strong and sufficient reasons; and these reasons ought to be stronger when the change has been recent.

Mr. GRUNDY replied that he yielded to the gentleman from Maryland entirely, as a soldier of age and experi- As to Governor Wolf, he stated in a message of Decemence, for he would not enter the ranks with him. But ber, 1832, his regret that the bank had not been re-charthe gentleman said that he (Mr. G.) had entered into the tered; that it had rendered services to the country; and ranks of the Jackson party, and must soon leave the name; that it was his opinion that if another bill was presented for Jackson must die, and with that event the name. to the President, it would experience a different fate. But (Mr. G. remarked) the Jefferson party did not ex- The Governor has now changed his opinion. As to the pire with his administration or his life. It has grown up change of my own opinion, what was it? Before the since into three or four parties. Were there not three commencement of the late war, I had adopted the opin. or four Jefferson dinners given lately? He (Mr. G.) was ion of the whig party, that it was unconstitutional to have invited to one of them in Philadelphia, although he did a bank. Then came on the war, bringing in its train flucnot go, and what was perhaps worse, neglected to send tuation, difficulty, and distress, demonstrating to the an apology. But the gentleman from South Carolina country the necessity of such an establishment. I must [Mr. PRESTON] was there; and the gentleman near me beg to call the attention of my friend from Tennessee to [Mr. FORSYTH] was at another of them-the one to which the state of the votes on the war question. The vote he (Mr. G.) had been invited-so that he did not know stood for the war 79-against it 49. On comparison of this how it might be at the death of General Jackson. Now, vote with the vote on the subject of a bank, in the next he would say no more on this occasion-the gentleman Congress, it will be seen that of the 79, forty were refrom Maryland did not understand him, and he could not turned; and that of the 40, 28 were for, and 12 against a make him understand him. These memorialists were bank. If we extend our research down to 1816, we shall whigs, and Mr. G. would not deny it. But good things find, I believe, nearly the same proportion in favor of the were not made exclusively for any set of men; they were bank, as there was for the declaration of war. The exmade for all mankind. And when a man was making a perience of the war changed every body. Some who monopoly of a good thing, he did not think he was doing held that a bank was unconstitutional, went out of the right. So, if one man, or party of men, shall by force way, in order to allow the bill to pass, so entirely were appropriate the whole territory of a nation to himself or they convinced that the bank was necessary for the purthemselves, and refuse the rights of appropriation to poses of the Government. Then was established, this others, it would be wrong. Now, whig belongs to all whig bank, approved by Mr. Madison, which gentlemen friends of their country in common. The term Christian are so assiduously endeavoring to destroy. If any gentleincludes a variety of religious sects; yet, if one sect should man would read the accounts of the state of the currency set themselves up and say that we alone are Christians, at that period, of its depreciated value, notes being nowould it not look like crowding the others out? In the where at par, except in New England, where they were same sense Mr. G. understood the term whig; and let us redeemable in specie, and the taxes being paid in a deall stand together as whigs, and let our particular or pe-preciated and unequal currency: if any gentleman would culiar political tenets be judged of by our country. look at all these circumstances, and the reasons given for Mr. CLAY then rose, and said that he felt it necessary the establishment of the bank, and say that there was no to say a word or two, although he should be sorry to dis-sufficient cause for a change of opinion, then be would tarb the gentleman from Tennessee. I, said Mr. C., consent to be put alongside of Governor Wolf, or his have enjoyed his jokes this morning, but if he and the friend from Tennessee himself. gentleman from Maryland have done, I wish to settle a little balance between him and me. The gentleman has complained that my friend from Maryland should have thought of replying to him. I am glad that my friend did supply some of the many deficiences in my reply. But after complaining of this as an act of injustice, the gentle- Mr. GRUNDY replied that he had no doubt of the sinman has himself been guilty of a similar injustice, in re-cere honesty which produced the change in the gentleferring to a vote which I gave three-and-twenty years ago, man from Kentucky in reference to the bank, and he and to another which I gave eighteen years ago, the first need not look to posterity to do him justice. Some of his against, and the other in favor of the bank. The gentle- political adversaries already did him justice-more than man says he is glad to see that I could change my opin- others would do General Jackson, if he were brought ions, and expresses his conviction that public men may before us for an infraction of the constitution and laws. change their views every six days, every six hours, and Governor Wolf was convinced of the propriety of his that no exception should be taken to the change. My course. He had no acquaintance with Governor Wolf, notion is somewhat different on this subject. I think that He had heard the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. a public man ought not to change his opinions on grave MCKEAN] say he had acted with him in Congress for six subjects connected with the general interests, without years: he was the Secretary of the commonwealth, while such reasons as will satisfy the public at large of the pro- Governor Wolf was the Chief Magistrate of Pennsylvania; priety of his course. It he does, it affords a reason for and that he was a man of great firmness and decision. It ascribing to him improper motives for the act. did not always depend on time whether a man should change his opinions or not, but upon surrounding circumstances. A state of things might exist which would teach his judgment the necessity of changing. But it was said that he (Mr. G.) had delivered a speech in favor of nullification. He did not know how that was, but if he did, he had been severely punished for it; and if he had now 'abandoned it, he stuck closely to State rights. He had been pressed so hard upon nullification, that he found it dangerous ground to stand on, and he had just moved a little off to the State rights ground. But he repented sincerely; and the citizens of Tennessee generously and magnanimously forgave him for the temporary dereliction,

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But the gentleman from Tennesssee is very adroit; and when he takes upon himself to say any thing about the coverlet, he seems always to recollect that he may yet wish to come under it himself. The gentleman was once a nullifier; and made his first nullifying speech when Mr. Foot's resolutions were under consideration, and now he turns upon his former friends. The gentleman also, if I am not greatly mistaken, voted once in favor of a bank -[Mr. GRUNDY: No.]-at least, he held opinions favorable to it, and was understood to be friendly to it. In reference to my conduct, I do not choose the benefit of the gentleman's notes. No public man is entitled to change

As to the vote which I gave in favor of the bank, (said Mr. C.,) I am ready to abide by the reasons which influenced my course-as published in the volume of documents in relation to the bank, under the authority of Congress.