Hanover (York County, Pa.) Proceedings.

[SENATE.

Pennsylvania rights, Pennsylvania policy, Pennsylvania | Magistrate, sustained him by vast majorities. The elecprinciples. Three important points have characterized tion for her Representative came on a few days ago. On Pennsylvania, prior to the administration of Governor the side of the administration was the old member, a Wolf: Internal improvements, the American system, and gentleman whom I well know, whom I personally esteem, a sound general currency, supplied through the agency of excellent character and high reputation, of great perof a bank of the United States. sonal and hereditary popularity. He was the grandson The Governor has stood by and seen, with silent acqui- of Patrick Henry himself, and the only surviving son of escence, or at least without manly resistance, the first one of the most eminent judges and jurists of his dayparalyzed by an unintelligible jargon about national and the lamented Spencer Roane. On the other side was a ocal objects; the second insidiously assailed, sought to gentleman who had never served in public life; never be secretly undermined, and only saved from complete been, I believe, a candidate for office. He was, it is true, destruction by the compromise; and he has joined in the of pure and unsullied character and fame, and of high personal and party war which has been so unnecessarily moral and intellectual attainments. waged against the third. Well, sir, we heard yesterday from Cold Harbor and His Excellency reminds me of an anecdote. Some the Court-house, and there the administration was beaten, years ago a most worthy gentleman, but of blustering horse, foot, and dragoons. Cold Harbor and the Courtmanner, with bold and brave words in his mouth, and no house could stand a great deal from the modern Roman, courage in his heart, was at a Virginia watering-place. but they could not stomach the protest. It remained for He lodged in one of the out-houses erected for the ac- us to hear from Negro-foot, which included two other commodation of visiters. One night, whilst he was in bed, districts, Long-and-Hungry, and Hell-town. There was wide awake, a thief broke in, and deliberately rifled his some congeniality between these names and the protest, purse of its contents, without any resistance. The next which induced me to fear that old Hanover might not susmorning, at the place of general rendezvous, the Spring, tain her ancient whig principles. But, sir, we have got he was relating the incident; and some of the company the tidings to-day, and glorious tidings they are. asked him if he did not see the thief. See him-why ver is herself again. The protest stood no chance at yes, I thought he would have taken the shirt off my back. Negro-foot, Long-and-Hungry, or even in Hell-town. His Excellency has seen Pennsylvania stript, one after And the descendant of Patrick Henry, and the son of another, of all her leading principles but one, and he has Spencer Roane, after proudly walking over the undispu quietly laid by, wide awake, until he sees, not only with-ted turf for years, has been distanced by a new and unout opposition but with approbation, this last garment tried steed. about to be torn from her.

Hano

The fate of this protest reminds me of another anecMr. President, in ordinary times, and under usual cir-dote. Several years ago an inhabitant from Buncombe, in cumstances, I should not have felt myself at liberty to North Carolina, going to Kentucky, met a Kentuckian, animadvert upon the official conduct of a chief magistrate leaving his State, on the mountains which separate it from of my State. But as Governor Wolf chose, at an eventful the parent State. The Buncombe man asked the Kentucperiod, to throw his official weight into the scale against kian what was the news in Kentucky. He said, Nothing, what I believe to be the constitution and liberties and but that there had been a great revival and stir in reliprosperity of my country; as his intervention was at the gion; almost every body was converted; and they had drivmoment perhaps decisive in another part of this Capitol; en the devil out of the State. Ah! says the Buncombe and as the people of Hanover district have expressly al-man; and pray, sir, can you tell me where he is gone to? Juded to his conduct, I have felt myself justified in the re- We are not certain, replied the Kentuckian, but according marks which I have made. to our latest accounts, he had taken refuge in Buncombe,

Mr. President, will nothing open the eyes of this mad in North Carolina. I am sure, Mr. President, he did administration, and its infatuated supporters in Congress? not long remain in that peaceful and orderly community, Will gentlemen heedlessly rush on to their own destruc- and I rather think that, at this time, he has taken up his tion, and the ruin of their country? Will they not pause abode in the kitchen cabinet.

in their frightful career? Will they conceal from them. I assure gentlemen that, in adverting to the late most selves the light and the hope which are every where gratifying demonstrations of the popular will and judg bursting forth around us? Are they ignorant of the grat-ment, it is in no spirit of vain boasting or exultation over ifying results of numerous elections, to the North and to their fall. The mass of all parties I believe to be sound, the South, of which we daily receive intelligence? Have well-intentioned, and patriotic; and that of the Jackson they heard of the recent issue of the election in Hanover party as much so as most others. What other interests county, Virginia, of revolutionary memory, that genuine than those of the character, fame, and prosperity, of our Whig county? As my native county, I shall be pardoned, I hope, for adverting to an event which fills me with

heart-felt satisfaction.

common country, can the mass have? No, sir; it is in no party feeling or party spirit, that I rejoice, sincerely rejoice, in the signs of the times. It is from motives far, far Hanover county was the first in Virginia to raise its above any party feelings or party spirit. It is because I arms against British oppression. I.ord Dunmore, the hail the approach of the day when reason and truth, virGovernor of the colony, was about to transfer, and had tue and justice, the constitution and civil liberty will triactually transferred, a part of the public deposites, in umph over error and delusion, folly and wickedness. the arsenal at Williamsburg, from their lawful position, I move the printing and the reference to the Committha British vessel in the river. Patrick Henry, a native tee on Finance of the resolutions of the meeting in Hanof Hanover, put himself at the head of a company of over district.

Hanover volunteers, and marched towards Williamsburg, Mr. FORSYTH thought it hardly regular to call in to compel a restoration of the munitions of war. And question here the official conduct of the Governors of the Governor Dunmore found it expedient to compromise States. No doubt the gentleman from Kentucky disapthe matter with the gallant and patriotic commander of proved of what the Governor of Pennsylvania had done, the volunteers. Hanover was the early theatre of many because it was a damper. The Senators from New Jer of those eloquent and thrilling orations of Henry that sub-sey had attempted to vindicate their course of conduct sequently aroused his countrymen, and stimulated them on this floor, for having acted contrary to the instructions to the exertion of all their energies in the establishment of their Legislature, by pointing to the indications, on the of their independence and their liberty. part of the people of the State, as being against the opin

Hanover, in both the elections of the present Chief ion of the Legislature. That the people of the States

SENATE.]

Hanover (York County, Pa.) Proceedings.

[APRIL 25, 1834.

might say what they liked of their officers, and could retrace his steps; and, as he (Mr. F.) had before observsend denunciations to Congress, was perfectly true. He ed, had appealed to individuals here to use their infuhad nothing to say against the exercise of their right. ence to induce the President to do that which every man But he would insist on it, that, to take up the official con- knew would not be done-to retrace his steps. Every duct of a Governor of a State, and make it the subject of one knew that it was impossible for mortal man to prevail censure, was not decorous. The Governor of Pennsyl- on him to undo that which he believed it was his duty to vania had, however, proved, by the practical operation do. Why, then, these personal appeals? He would tell of his message, that he understood the true interest of his gentlemen, it was for the purpose of causing public exState, under the pressure which was produced, not only citement against the President, who had indisputably the there, but in all portions of the Union, by causes which power to do what he had done. it was not then necessary to refer to. All the great and Mr. CLAY said, the venerable Senator from Georgia magnificent works that were going on in Pennsylvania, [Mr. FORSYTH] inquires in which of the sections of Hanunder her own laws, had been stopped, and might have over described by me was I born. I apply to him that remained so for ever; but the stand taken by the Govern- epithet, because he recently told us that he had witnessor produced the funds necessary to carry on the improve-ed the salutations and the shaking of hands between ments, in despite of an institution which he had had the General Washington and his fellow-citizens, on his Southhardihood to denounce. ern tour, during the first term of his Presidency. If r The honorable Senator from Kentucky seemed to think am not mistaken, that was about forty-two years ago; and the conduct of the Governor highly censurable, because as the Senator appears to recollect, with great particuhe had united with the President in regard to the Bank, larity, even a shake of the hand, he must have enjoyed at he having believed, twelve or eighteen months ago, that that time faculties very nearly mature. I was very young the institution ought to be re-chartered. Now he (Mr. at that period, and must suppose the Senator my senior. F.) would ask, what were the reasons which had pro- As to the exact spot of my nativity, it has been a good duced this change in the mind of the Governor? If honor- while ago, and it will be readily conceived that I was very able Senators imagined it was man-worship, they did young at my birth. The place where that event hapthat officer great injustice. Could gentlemen blind them- pened, which enables me to stand before you, was beselves to what had taken place in Pennsylvania, to the cir- tween Black Tom's Slash and Hanover Court-house, or, cumstances that had wrought so great a change there? to fix the spot more precisely, between the Merry Oaks Let Senators ask themselves what had produced the rev-and the Court-house, about half-way between them, and olution which had taken place in the Legislature of that not very far from St. Paul's church, at the vestry-house great State? If they believed it was a mere disposition of which I went to school several years. for man-worship, then they were unjust to the State, the The honorable Senator thinks it not proper or decorGovernor, and the Legislature. The gentleman from ous to refer to the official and public conduct of the GovKentucky seemed to derive great gratification from what ernor of Pennsylvania, whose course, he says, was sushe had heard in regard to the elections in Hanover coun tained by the majority of the Legislature; and that it is ty, Virginia. It had been said that the glorious spirit of not treating the State of Pennsylvania with due respect. Hanover had been aroused, and it was true that the peo- As to what is decorous towards the Governor, I cannot ple there were turning to Clay. Well, if that circum- consent to be governed by the sense of the honorable stance could give the honorable Senator so much gratifi- Senator, or by any other than my own. The Governor cation, then all he (Mr. F.) would say was, that the gen- is a public man, whose official acts have exerted an imtleman had derived consolation from a very small source. portant influence, at a highly critical moment, upon the The Senator had amused them by alluding to some dis- deliberations of Congress. They were probably put tricts, the names of which were most singular; but he forth to produce effect, and they produced great effect. (Mr. F.) need not repeat them. Now, he should like to The Senator himself acknowledged that they operated as know what district had the honor of giving birth to the a damper. Have I not a right to examine them, and to Senator from Kentucky. compare the Governor with himself? Have I not the The gentleman had appealed to certain Senators, for privilege, as a public man, of scrutinizing the conduct of the purpose of inducing them to use their influence with another public man, and showing that it ought not to the President, to prevail on him to retrace his steps, and have the weight which has been unfortunately attached to restore the constitution and laws of the country. What to it? Have I not as much right to comment upon the can we do, said Mr. F., who are in a minority? The hon-course of the Governor as the Senator has to criticise the orable gentleman, and those who acted with him, had violation of the Sabbath by citizens of Baltimore, and to the power; why, then, did they not do something to re- upbraid them for a disregard of the duties of a religion store the constitution and laws? At the commencement which he admits he does not profess? No one respects of the session, it had been said that action was unneces- more highly the great, powerful, and patriotic State of sary, as every thing was going to ruin; and now gentle- Pennsylvania than I do. But neither the Governor nor men asked for a measure of relief. How many months the majority of the late Legislature are the State monhad they been sitting there, and what had they done? archs. The late Emperor of France, a former French The only measure of redress which had been proposed, King, may claim to be the State; the President may was the bill of the honorable Senator from Massachusetts, imagine that he is the Government—but I am not preparand which now lies dead asleep on their table. He would ed to subscribe to these doctrines. If the people of Pennrepeat, What consistency was there in making those ap-sylvania shall sanction the course of their Governor, and peals which they had so frequently heard from some hon-of the majority of their Legislature, no one will be more orable members? Why did not gentlemen exercise the ready than I shall be to bow with all deference to the depower which they knew, and the people knew, they pos- cision of the people; but that remains to be pronounced. sessed here? Let them produce their measure of relief; The Senator asks, Why don't the majority of the Senate let Senators do their duty; and let the consequences, if do something to reinstate the laws and restore public prosthe measure proved a failure, fall upon the heads of those perity? We have been before taunted in the same manner. who are responsible for it. He hoped honorable Sena- What can the majority of the Senate, without co-operators would spare their appeals, and content themselves tion, do' If it expresses its opinion, in the form of a with the exercise of that power which the constitution resolution, instead of conciliating co-operation, it progave them, for it was amply sufficient. The gentleman vokes a protest. Why will not the Executive, instead of from Kentucky had complained that the President did not transmitting to us an unauthorized protest, send us a con

APRIL 25, 1834.]

Hanover (York County, Pa.) Proceedings.

[SENATE.

stitutional recommendation, adapted to the exigency of though the Governor should be characterized as vacillathe times? The gentleman says that every man knows ting and time-serving, he would not give himself much unthat the President will not retrace his steps. He will not easiness on that account. True, the Senator from Kenretrace his steps! and why should he not? Why should tucky had enlarged upon the expressions in the resoluhe be above the reach of public opinion? No Emperor tion, and even with that he was not disposed to find fault; nor King in Europe, dare disregard public opinion. And it was the gentleman's province to do so. The Senator yet we are told that our President (and who is he but the from Virginia, on his right, [Mr. LEIGH,] said, the other servant of the people?) will remain unmoved in his ruin- day, that he would not defend Virginia, for the very fact ous course. He has himself, indeed, declared that nei- of an attempt to defend, implied defect of character. He ther the voice of the Legislature, nor the people them- was pleased with the maxim, and would adopt it on this selves, shall divert him from his purpose. But we have occasion. The character of the present Governor of recently seen that he can retract, either voluntarily or by Pennsylvania could not suffer from imputations cast upon the influence of others. He sent us a protest last week it by gentlemen here or elsewhere. There was, howasserting the exclusive right of the Executive to the cus-ever, one allusion upon which he wished to say a word. It tody of the public treasury. He claimed, indeed, that was said that Governor Wolf held different opinions, at the possession of all the public property of the nation, different periods, in reference to the Bank of the United and the public purse, as well as the sword, belonged to States. Mr. McK. said, at the time first alluded to, he him, and not to Congress, and that Congress could not stood in a relation to the Governor which gave him an deprive him of it. On Monday last he transmitted a supple- opportunity of understanding minutely his opinions on mental message to the Senate, disclaiming the doctrines, the question of re-chartering the Bank of the United in this particular, of the prior message. Unless the af- States, and it was almost the only one upon which they firmative and the negative-can and cannot-yes and no-differed. However, he was at that time opposed to the mean precisely the same thing, he can retrace and has bank-and he stated, as a matter of his own knowledge, retraced his steps. How he did it would be a matter of that Governor Wolf was then, and is now, in favor of a curious secret history. I have heard and believe (al-national bank, and he believes the fiscal concerns of the though I will not vouch for the accuracy of the statement) Government cannot get along without it. He does think, that the supplement was prepared by some of the parti- however, that recent developments in relation to the mansans of the President, collected at a certain house on Sat- agement of that institution, are sufficient to create doubts urday night last, without consulting with him, and after as to its influence upon the public morals.

ture.

threatened.

it was concocted, it was presented to him for his signa- Mr. BROWN said, if his Satanic majesty had, at any time, left Kentucky and taken refuge in Buncombe The Senator speaks of popular excitement, and of county, North Carolina, it was certain he had not always treason. Sir, I hope the people will be excited-I would remained there since; for when gentlemen who had, for appeal to them collectively and individually; I would go some years past, and until very recently, stood as oppoto every cabin and cottage in the country, if it were pos- site to each other politically as the antipodes, had been sib, and awaken all, all to the perils with which we are grouped together, in one of the resolutions which had just Treason! and what is the treason, or the been read, [Messrs. CLAY, CALHOUN, WEBSTER, MCDUFalmost treason, of the honorable Senator? Nothing more FIE, and BINNEY,] and had, by name, received the strong than words-words which, during what was called the approbation of the public meeting whose proceedings reign of terror, were considered as amounting only to se- were then before the Senate, he thought that some superdition. But under this administration, determined to go natural agency must have been employed to effect so miahead, and in advance of all others, they are to be regard- raculous a result. ed as almost treason! The parallels of history, Mr. Presi- The attack of the honorable gentleman upon the Govdent, are remarkable. About the commencement of the ernor of Pennsylvania, was entirely out of place, and unAmerican Revolution, when the patriot and orator to called for. The Governor of that State was accountable to whom I have often alluded (the great uncle of my friend those from whom he derived his official authority, and to from South Carolina, Mr. PRESTON) poured forth indig- none others. The Senator from Kentucky had made it a nant strains in the Colonial Legislature against the tyranny serious cause of complaint against that gentleman, that he of George the Third, loyal members cried out Treason! should continue to support a President who had done treason! and it resounded throughout the ancient capitol much to arrest the internal improvement system, and who at Williamsburg. And now, when the people are de-aimed a destructive blow against the tariff. Mr. B. was nouncing arbitrary acts of the Executive of the present happy to hear justice done to the President on this subday, not less loyal members cry out again, Treason! But ject. It had been attempted, here and elsewhere, to denow, as then, I trust it will be unavailing, and that the prive the President of the merit which the honorable genvigilance of the people will continue to be exercised until tleman had very properly awarded him; and the declaraall danger is dissipated. tion which he had made, on this occasion, should be reMr. McKEAN asked for the reading of the resolution ceived, now and hereafter, as evidence to establish the that alluded to the Governor of Pennsylvania; which the claims of the present administration to the credit of havSecretary read as follows: ing done that, for which they were entitled to the highest "Resolved, That while we disapprove the vacillating commendation. The course of the Governor of Pennor time-serving policy of the Governor of Pennsylvania, sylvania, in opposition to the bank, had done him immorwith regard to the Bank of the United States, we highly tal honor. The stand which the patriotic State of Penncommend the course pursued toward that institution by sylvania had taken, had added another just cause of gratiDaniel Webster, Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, Horace tude and admiration to the many others furnished by her Binney, and Mr. McDuffie, and their associates in Con- history, for the disinterested and noble example which gress." she has set. Elevated above those mercenary feelings

Mr. McKEAN said, he was aware that the public opin- which but too often influence human action, she was opous of public men were public property, and fair sub-posed to cherish in her bosom a proud and corrupt monjects of public animadversion; and if, in these times of in- eyed monopoly, which aspires to bring the country under discriminate crimination and recrimination, it became ne- its arbitrary control.

cessary for political effect, to include the name of the "un- The honorable gentleman had congratulated his politiming" Governor of "unassuming Pennsylvania," with cal friends on the success of the anti-administration party the other distinguished names in the resolution, even in Hanover, a small county in Virginia. Mr. B. said, if

SENATE.]

Hanover (York County, Pa.) Proceedings.-President's Protest.

[APRIL 25, 1834.

the friends of constitutional liberty were destined to wit-dence throughout the country, to produce general embar ness the overthrow of those principles, in quarters from rassment, and, by means such as these, to effect a politiwhich they might have expected a voice animating and cal change in favor of the party now out of power. cheering them in the great contest which was now waging, Most of the information which he had received from in opposition to the mighty power of the bank, it was a that State confirmed him in the opinion that the condition source of the highest satisfaction to perceive, that the of her citizens generally, in relation to pecuniary affairs, spirit of the great democratic party in our country con- was sound and healthful, and that the prosperity of her tinued firm and invincible, and that the great body of the independent farmers and planters never rested on a more people were on the side of the country and against the bank. solid basis than at this time. The honorable gentleman had, in the course of his remarks, appealed to what he had been pleased to call the whig party, and urged them to exertion in the great contest which was now going on between the parties which divide the country.

Mr. B. would recur for a few moments to the history of parties in England and this country, to show what claim this new-fangled and self-styled whig party had to the appellation which they were about to assert an exclusive title to. In England, if his memory did not much deceive him as to the history of parties, the high tory party had generally been among the strongest supporters of the great moneyed monopoly which had so long existed in that country, and which had been a part of that formidable government machinery, whose power and influence had been so effectually and successfully exerted to keep the many in subjection to the will of the few.

He had been informed, from sources in which he placed the most implicit reliance, that drafts on the North could readily be obtained from the Bank of Cape Fear, at the small premium of a quarter per cent., that being on terms as favorable as the United States Bank had ever transacted business of that kind, so far as he was informed. This fact afforded abundant proof, not only of the entire competency of the State banks to conduct the fiscal concerns of the Government, but of their ability to afford the same facilities to the commercial interest in carrying on the business of exchange between distant portions of the Union, as those afforded at any time heretofore by the Bank of the United States.

Mr. B. said, that every means which ingenuity could devise, had been industriously seized on, and dexterously used by political partisans, to withdraw the true question at issue, and to make erroneous impressions on the public In the writings of the illustrious Jefferson, published mind. The opponents of the administration, well aware since his death, he expresses the opinion that the Secre- that the conduct of the bank cannot stand the test of tary of the Treasury, in 1791, favored the introduction scrutiny before the public eye, with that skill and address of a national bank in the United States, with a view of which have often been resorted to with advantage in mili placing in the hands of the Government a powerful en-tary operations, seek, on every occasion which presents gine to subserve party purposes, and to assimilate our itself, to make a diversion in favor of the bank, by attackGovernment, in its practical operation on the people, still ing the acts of the Executive, and misrepresenting both more to the English system of government. Mr. B. his conduct and his motives. Mr. B. said, that, for himsaid that two great epochs had occurred in our history, self, he should keep steadily in view the great question between which and the present period, he thought he which he considered really at issue, which was, whelber could perceive many points of resemblance. When the the pretensions set up by an arrogant moneyed aristocra people of this country had solemnly determined to throw cy, and the political party supporting it, should prevail in off the yoke of the British government, there was a party the conflict; or whether the cause of the country, and the then, who endeavored to alarm and intimidate them, by Chief Executive Magistrate, who was defending the citadepicting the ruin and distress which would ensue from del of our liberties against the most dangerous assaults, it; but instead of listening to those panic-makers and should be sustained. alarmists, they were willing to encounter any degree of On motion of Mr. WILKINS, who desired time to supply danger and distress rather than surrender their rights as himself with a copy of Governor Wolf's message concernfreemen. They persevered and finally triumphed, when, ing the bank, and with the consent of Mr. CLAY, the subif they had listened to those who were continually pro-ject was laid on the table. claiming ruin and distress, they would have remained in inglorious bondage. In the late war with England, the same attempts were made by the opposition party as now, The Senate then proceeded to the consideration of the to overawe the Government and the people, by repre- special order, being the modified resolutions offered by senting the distress which an attempt to vindicate the Mr. POINDEXTER; rights of the country would bring on its citizens. The The question being on the motion of Mr. BIBB to farmers and planters were told by the advocates of sub-amend-when

PRESIDENT'S PROTEST.

mission, that they would be overwhelmed in ruin if the Mr. BIBB rose and said: The best administrations have Government went to war, but the whig republicans of not been without some opposition; the worst have had that day, as in the Revolution, resolved not to be alarm- more support than they deserved. The opposition to and ed by panic-makers. They again persevered, and were support of the administration of President Jackson, whether crowned with the most brilliant success. At the present for good or for evil, praiseworthy or censurable, will be day, there was a party in our country which had endeav-more dispassionately decided by posterity. The intellored to alarm the people into submission to the bank gent of the present day must pass their judgment; the by the same course, and same cries of distress. He had actors of the present age must do their duty to thembriefly endeavored to trace the parallel between those selves and to their country, to preserve their institutions, who had appealed to the fears of their countrymen, by and to transmit to posterity the inheritance, at least unim sketching the most gloomy pictures of distress at the two paired, but improved if may be. great epochs alluded to, and the party which was now endeavoring to accomplish their objects by like appeals. If party designations were to be given, he left it to others to make the application which the points of resemblance indicated by him would in a great degree justify.

To perform what he considered a solemn duty, he en tered upon this discussion, and he would be untrue to his feelings, if he did not declare that he felt no gratification in being impelled to the task. He felt called upon by the occasion, to prevent, as far as his powers would serve Mr. B. said, he felt gratified that the condition of the the vital spirit of the constitution, and the essential prin State of North Carolina was such as in a great degree ciples of civil liberty, from being lulled by the outward placed her citizens above the reach of the great efforts forms of the constitution, and drowned in the circling which had been for some months made to destroy confi- leddy of executive power.

15 APRIL 25, 1834.]

The Senate had resolved that the President, in the The committee went to Philadelphia, examined witnessa pot late executive proceedings in relation to the public reve-es, directors and others, upon oath-(among these Mr. er. Inne, has assumed upon himself authority and power not Sullivan and Mr. McElderry.) They made a reportved conferred by the constitution and laws, but in derogation counter reports were made by the minority of the comcor of both." To this resolution the President has sent his mittee.

ry

protest. Of this resolution, he complains that "there is On the 2d March, 1833, in accordance with the comtyd no such certainty of time, place, or circumstance, as to mittee, the House of Representatives "Resolved, That the exhibit the particular conclusion of facts or law which in- Government deposites may, in the opinion of this House, duced any one Senator to vote for it." And, in a subse-be safely continued in the Bank of the United States.". e plequent part of his protest, he endeavors to confine the Ayes 109, nays 46.-(H. J., p. 450, 463-4.) the public attention to his acts in "dismissing the late Secre- Thus, by more than two-thirds, the suggestion of the tary of the Treasury, because he would not, contrary to President as to the removal of the deposites, was dishis sense of his own duty, remove the money of the countenanced by the House of Representatives. So stood United States in deposite with the Bank of the United the matter when the Congress adjourned. The RepreStates and its branches, in conformity with the President's sentatives refused to sell the bank stock; voted that the opinion, and appointing his successor to effect such re-deposites might be safely continued in the Bank of the moval, which has been done." This necessarily brings United States-the proceedings about the 3 per cents., into review the facts and deductions alluded to in the res the rumors alluded to by the President, and the funds of olation, and draws into discussion the principles avowed, the bank, having been examined. asserted, and defended by the protest. The protest had been committed to the press before it was delivered to the Senate, and thousands of copies have been distributed. The President has appealed from the Senate to the people.

or a

vhe

is's

In loting for the resolution complained of, I was not confined to the limits supposed by the protest. As I intend that my argument shall apply to acts done by the President, to deductions from facts alone, and to principles of action avowed by him, not to mere abstractions, I will state succinctly the facts to which the resolution of the Senate was applied by me.

Notwithstanding these two reports concurring in the safety of continuing the deposites in the Bank of the United States, and the overwhelming vote of the House of Representatives, sufficient to drown even a veto, the President hurried to his next act in chronological order, disclosed by document A, appended to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury.

Conscious of the importance of the subjects, and of the gravity with which they should be treated; believing, moreover, that the acts of the Executive have sufficiently 3d. By the letter of Messrs. Sullivan, Wage", and Gilcharged the political atmosphere with electricity, I have pin, in answer to a letter of the President, it appears that, covenanted with myself, not to utter wittingly any thing on the 14th of April, 1833, he had instituted another inwhich can justly be taken in offence by the Senators who quiry. Neither the powers of the Secretary of the Treasvoted against the resolution, and who sustain the princi-ury, nor the report of that agent, nor the report of the ples avowed in the protest. If I shall not keep this cove- committee of the House of Representatives, nor the vote nant, it will be by force of a habit of free and undisguised of that branch of the Legislature, nor the investigation atterance of my opinions upon questions which involve made by their more ample powers, nor the powers of the quet the principles of free government, which those who know Judiciary to hear and try a scire facias against the bank me lest will avouch. upon fifteen days' notice, were sufficient to quiet the apprehension of the President for the safety of the "money of the people." To his own more ample powers he resorted, and by proceeding under his sign manual, Messrs. Sullivan, Gilpin, and Wager, were put to the honorable employment of secret informers. In less than six weeks after the adjournment of Congress, this new court of inquiry was instituted. What compunctions of conscience 1st. By the message of the President of the 4th De- they had in performing the task set upon them by the cember, 1832, he recommended to the Congress to pro- President, will appear by the conclusion of their letter to vide for selling out the stock of seven millions of dollars him of the 228 April, 1833, in answer to his of the 14th; held by the Government in the Bank of the United States, they say: "We may be permitted also to add, that the and for placing the proceeds in the Treasury: he com- wishes and opinions which we took the liberty of expressplained of the conduct of the bank in relation to the 3 ing in our former letter, have been since more strongly per cent. stocks: moreover, he said "such measures as confirmed; and that we should not only feel more satisare within the reach of the Secretary of the Treasury faction ourselves, but be enabled to convey to you more Bi have been taken, to enable him to judge whether the pub-full and correct information, were we to proceed in an inlic deposites in that institution may be regarded as entirely vestigation whose object was avowed, and if we were safe; but as his limited power may prove inadequate to strengthened by that official sanction which we sugthis object, I recommend the subject to the attention of gested."

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Congress, under the firm belief that it is worthy of their 4th. By document B, appended to the same report, it serious investigation. An inquiry into the transactions of appears that these informers were further stimulated by the institution, embracing the branches as well as the the letter of the President of the 3d August, 1833. In the principal bank, seems called for, by the credit which is conclusion of their answer, they say "that a more exact given, throughout the country, to many serious charges statement could only be obtained by an agent directly auimpeaching its character, and which, if true, may justly thorized by the Executive." excite the apprehension that it is no longer a safe depositry of the money of the people."

These communications formed the basis of the manifesto read to the cabinet.

2d. These subjects of the message were referred by 5th. By the documents communicated by the Secretary the House of Representatives to the Committee of Ways of the Treasury, it appears that Mr. Kendall, the Fourth and Means. An investigation by that 1louse, with its am- Auditor, (attached to the Navy Department,) was appointple powers, did take place. The report of the agent ap-ed by the President, not by the Secretary of the Treasupointed by the Secretary, was, that the deposites were ry, as an agent to communicate with the State banks, to safe, and this report was communicated to the House of ascertain upon what terms they would be willing to accept Representatives. On the 13th of February, 1833, a bill the deposites of the public moneys, and perform the dufor the sale of the bank stock, recommended by the ties stipulated to be performed for the Government, in President, was rejected by the House of Representa- the charter of the Bank of the United States; and he retives.-(H. J., p. 325 to 327.) ported accordingly.

VOL. X.-94