SENATE.]

President's Protest.

[APRIL 24, 1834.

of the Senate, and failed in his appearance, he was or- to make, and at the same time apply the law, is open to dered to be committed. In debating the legality of this question and consideration, as are all new laws. Perhaps order, it was insisted, in support of it, that every man, by Congress, in the mean time, in their care for the safety of the law of nature, and every body of men, possesses the the citizen, as well as that for their own protection, may right of self-defence; that all public functionaries are es- declare by law what is necessary and proper to enable sentially invested with the powers of self-preservation; them to carry into execution the powers vested in them, that they have an inherent right to do all acts necessary and thereby hang up a rule for the inspection of all which to keep themselves in a condition to discharge the trusts may direct the conduct of the citizen, and at the same time confided to them; that, whenever authorities are given, test the judgments they shall themselves pronounce in the means of carrying them into execution are given by their own case." necessary implication; that thus we see the British Parlia I take it for granted, that, until Congress shall pass laws ment exercise the right of punishing contempts; all the regulating its privileges, we must look alone at the enuState Legislatures exercise the same power; and every merated grants of privileges in the constitution, and to court does the same; that if we have it not, we sit at the the ordinary judicial tribunals, for our necessary promercy of every intruder who may enter our doors or tection and safety. The only interference with the docgallery, and by noise and tumult, render proceeding in trines of Mr. Jefferson, upon this point, happened in a business impracticable; that, if our tranquillity is to be decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, in the perpetually disturbed by newspaper defamation, it will case of Anderson vs. Dunn. Although that opinion does not be possible to exercise our functions with the re-not, in the slightest degree, touch the privilege now for quisite coolness and deliberation; and that we must, the first time claimed in this or any other country, yet I therefore, have a power to punish these disturbers of our must say, I am not reconciled to its doctrines. I underpeace and proceedings. stand the doctrine of that case to be, not only that the "To this it was answered, that the Parliament and power of punishment for contempts is implied from necourts of England have cognizance of contempts by the cessity, but that the degree of punishment is only limited express provisions of their law; that the State Legislatures "to the least possible power adequate to the end"have equal authority, because their powers are plenary; which can mean nothing more nor less than a power of they represent their constituents completely, and possess punishment to any extent which the offended party may all their powers, except such as their constituents have deem adequate.

expressly denied them; that the courts of the several That case, however, furnishes a principle totally at war States have the same powers by the laws of their States, with the present charge upon the President, of breach of and those of the Federal Government by the same State privilege. The court declare "that it cannot be denied laws adopted in each State, by a law of Congress; that that the power to institute a prosecution must be denone of these bodies, therefore, derive those powers from pendent upon the power to punish." What punishment, natural or necessary right, but from express law; that let me ask, can one co-ordinate branch of this GovernCongress have no such natural or necessary power, or any ment inflict upon another? We can have no hesitation in powers but such as are given them by the constitution; deciding upon what some of his triers for this breach of that that has given them, directly, exemption from per-privilege would deem "adequate" punishment, if the sonal arrest, exemption from question elsewhere for what power to punish existed. More than one of his triers have is said in their House, and power over their own mem- already declared, that President Jackson has done that, bers and proceedings; for these no further law is neces-in regard to this bank, which, if done by a British monsary-the constitution being the law; that, moreover, by arch, would have brought his head to the block. the article of the constitution which authorizes them to righteous and merciful judges! The President's only of make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into exe- fence is, that he has presented a view of his own rights cution the powers vested by the constitution in them,' and powers, in opposition to the expressed opinions of they may provide by law for an undisturbed exercise of the Senate, which no Senator has or can answer, except their functions-e. g. for the punishment of contempts, or by declaring that he has been guilty of a breach of priviaffrays or tumult in their presence, &c.-but, till the law lege! And this result is arrived at, not from any view be made, it does not exist, and does not exist from their of our own constitution and laws, but from researches into own neglect; that in the mean time, however, they are the unadulterated nonsense of the privileges of a British not unprotected, the ordinary magistrates and courts of Parliament.

Most

law being open and competent to punish all unjustifiable Should we not rather consult the good sense of our own disturbances or defamations, and even their own sergeant, times, and if we can find no precedents in the history of who may appoint deputies ad libitum to aid him (3 Grey our own proceedings, we shall not disgrace ourselves by 59, 147, 255) is equal to small disturbances. That in re-imitating the examples of our State Legislatures. I have quiring a previous law, the constitution had regard to the come across a parallel case: I mean to say parallel in every inviolability of the citizen, as well as of the member: as, point of view where any essential principle is involved, in should one House, in the regular form of a bill, aim at too the legislative history of that firmly democratic and dignibroad privileges, it may be checked by the other, and fied State of Pennsylvania. The late venerable Governor both by the President; and also as, the law being promul- of that Commonwealth, who was one of the signers of the gated, the citizen will know how to avoid offence. But Declaration of Independence, lived, also, as does our Presif one branch may assume its own privileges without con-ident, in high party times, when "inter factiones leges: trol; if it may do it on the spur of the occasion, conceal silent." Amongst other violent persecutions, he was the law in its own breast, and after the fact committed, charged, in 1807, with having violated the constitution, make its sentence both the law and the judgment on that and articles of impeachment were reported against him by fact; if the offence is to be kept undefined, and to be de-a committee of the House of Representatives, and most of clared only ex re nata, and according to the passions of these articles said nothing in terms of a criminal intent. the moment, and there being no limitation, either in the At a subsequent session, in 1808, this report was taken manner or measure of the punishment, the condition of up and indefinitely postponed. After this decision, his the citizen will be perilous indeed. Which of these doc-biographer informs us thattrines is to prevail, time will decide. Where there is no "On the next day, the Secretary of the Commonwealth fixed law, the judgment on any particular case is the law presented a replication from the Governor, relative to the of that particular case only, and dies with it. When a charges exhibited against him by the committee, which, new and even a similar case arises, the judgment which is being read, Mr. Sergeant inquired whether the commu

APRIL 24, 1834.]

President's Protest.

[SENATE.

nication would be inserted on the Journal? A variety of disquisition upon many of the constitutional powers and objections being made to this measure, a motion was duties of the Executive, and, upon repeated reference to made by Mr. Sergeant, and seconded by Mr. Ingham, it, it has been found to bear the cautious scrutiny of unthat the message be inserted at large on the Journal. On impassioned judgment, and to furnish a safe, a clear, and the question being taken, it was determined in the af a useful guide in the elucidation of cases involving points firmative." The biographer then goes on to say: similar to those which he professes to discuss."

"The defence of Mr. McKean offers a bright contrast Is the case before us to be distinguished from that of to the report of his accusers; and we cannot refrain from Governor McKean on the ground that his reply was to extracting its exordium, as an evidence of the dignity articles prepared by a committee, instead of its having with which he repelled unestablished denunciations, of been a reply to a resolution of the House itself? If any the moderation and magnanimity which he displayed authority for this discrimination can be found, I will give throughout the replication, and of the self-command and up the precedent. Have we not received protests from respect which forbade him to descend to the language the Legislatures of South Carolina and Georgia, charging of his enemies. A long and dangerous illness,' he be- upon us violations of the constitution, in passing tariff laws, gins, the sympathy of friends, and the advice of physi- and have we not entered the protests upon our Journals? cians, deprived me of an opportunity to peruse the Jour-Before we get round the force of the precedent, we must nal, or to have the least knowledge of the proceedings in resort to the authority of Fortesque, and declare that to relation to an impeachment of my official conduct, for be no law which we have declared to be law. Let us, more than a month after the termination of the last ses- Mr. President, give up this idle and disgusting claim of sion of the General Assembly. And, since that period, privilege, and enter this protest upon the Journal, and a proper respect for the exercise of constitutional powers answer it dispassionately, like rational men, if we can, and has restrained every disposition, on my part, to answer let our fellow-citizens, whose heads are not yet turned by the charges which have been exhibited against me, while an exhibition of the glories of the privileges of an English those charges continued a subject of deliberation. But House of Lords, decide the matter between the President the delicacy which has thus recognised your constitution- and the Senate.

al jurisdiction, must not be allowed to absorb every con- I cannot conclude, sir, without remarking upon the sideration that is due to my own fame, to the feelings of unkind criticisms of gentlemen upon the allusions which my family, and to the opinion of the world. The accusa- the President makes, in justification of his patriotic motion, though not confirmed by the ultimate vote of the tives, to the enduring memorials of that contest in which House, has been deliberately framed, has been openly American liberty was purchased, which he now bears discussed, and will pass, among the legitimate records, upon his bosom. This, too, is charged to have been done into the hands of our constituents, and our posterity, with with the low design of enlisting the feelings of the peoall its concomitant semblance of proof, and asperity of ple on his side in this controversy, if controversy it must animadversion. The decision that expresses your renun-be called, and some doubts have even been expressed as ciation of the impeachment, affects me, indeed, with its to its truth. Enumerat vulnera miles. Let the soldier Justice and its independence; but it is a decision which count his wounds without reproach. If this be crime, precludes the employment of the regular means of de- and a breach of privilege too, is there a revolutionary offifence, before a competent tribunal, and, therefore, com-cer or soldier living, who is not equally guilty? Search pels me, for the purpose of vindication, to claim a page your records, and ransack the pigeon-holes of your Secrein the same volume that serves to perpetuate against me tary's office, find the name of every one who has presentthe imputation of official crimes and misdemeanors. It ed a petition to you, and then send your sergeant-at-arms is incompatible, gentlemen, with my view of the solemnity to bring them into your chamber. Arraign, try, conof the occasion, to descend to the language of invective demn, punish, and incarcerate them; then put a tongue or complaint. By exposing the depravity of other men, in every wound you see, and teach it to sing hosannahs to I should do little to demonstrate my own innocence; and the all pervading, all-absorbing, transcendent, omniscient, an expression of sensibility at any personal indignity that omnipotent privileges of the Senate. It is the duty of has been inflicted, might be construed into an encroach-patriotism to ask the remnant of our revolutionary vetement upon the freedom of legislative debate. But the rans to leave us all the evidences of the hardships and dantenor of my public and private life will, I hope, be suf- gers of the struggle through which they passed. Never ficient to repel every vague and declamatory aspersion. did Desdemona listen with a more greedy ear to the tales The discernment of our constituents will readily detect of Othello's disastrous chances, than we, in our childhood, any latent motive of hatred and malice. The justice of to the recitals of the battles, sieges, and fortunes of our the Legislature upholds an ample shield against the spirit revolutionary heroes: "so well their words become them of persecution; and the conscious rectitude of my own as their wounds; they smacked of honor both." When mind will yield a lasting consolation, amidst all the vicissi- they have gone, let us repeat their stories to our progeny, tudes of popular favor and applause.' That I may have till we see the tear of gratitude glistening in their eyes, erred in judgment; that I may have been mistaken in my and their countenances lighted up with a glow of patriotgeneral views of public policy; and that I may have been ism direct from the heart. Then turn to them the other deceived by the objects of executive confidence, or be- side of the tapestry. Show them the envy, malice, unRevolence, I am not so vain nor so credulous as to deny; charitableness, and mad ambition of the wretch, in human though, in the present instance, I am still without the form, who never perilled a hair in his country's service, proof, and without the belief; but the firm and fearless stretching out his sacrilegious band to snatch a laurel from position which I take, invites the strictest scrutiny, upon the silvered brow of the aged warrior, sinking to his etera fair exposition of our constitution and laws, into the nal rest.

Sincerity and truth of the general answer given to my May our venerable President live to count his wounds, accusers-that no act of my public life was ever done" longer than I have time to tell his years;" and when from a corrupt motive; nor without a deliberate opinion old time shall lead him to his end, "patriotism, goodness, that the act was lawful and proper in itself.' Mr. McKean and he, fill up one monument." then proceeds, in a circumstantial and irrefutable manner, When Mr. KANE had concluded

separately to repel the charges of the committee; and Mr. BIBB obtained the floor, but yielded it to Mr. triumphantly to vindicate his character, in every particu- WILKINS, who moved to postpone the consideration of lar, from the aspersions with which it had been assailed. the special order until to-morrow, and to make it the spe This replication comprehends a very learned and masterly cial order for to-morrow. The motion was agreed to.

VOL. X.-93

SENATE.]

Ontario County (N. Y.) Memorial.

[APRIL 25, 1834.

On motion of Mr. WILKINS, the Senate then proceed- this, too, done under pretence of an experiment, but ed to the consideration of Executive business, and remain- really and truly out of hostility to a banking corporation; ed for some time with closed doors. out of hostility to an institution which has existed with great usefulness to the country, which is now approach

At half past 4, the doors were re-opened, when Mr. HENDRICKS offered the following resolution; ing a time when it might be modified, altered, and accom which lies one day on the table:

modated to any new state of things, or so as to accord Resolved, That, for the remainder of the present ses-with the lights of past experience, and be continued sion, the Fridays and Saturdays of each and every week shall be devoted to the consideration of bills.

Mr. SILSBEE moved to take up a bill to authorize the issuing a register to the brig American, of Savannah. Mr. CHAMBERS moved that the Senate now adjourn; which was negatived.

The bill was then taken up, acted on as in Committee of the Whole, reported without amendment, ordered to a third reading, and was then read a third time and passed. The Senate then adjourned.

FRIDAY, APRIL 25.

with every prospect of advantage to the country. How can conscientious men feel themselves justified in pushing, with such ruinous effects on the people, a quarrel of this kind, to this extent? How do they find within their own bosoms a monitor to tell them that all this is right? If the bank was not to be renewed, why not let it quietly expire and why not leave the public moneys in it till it should expire? A measure, so causeless, so uncalled-for, so destitute of all reasonable object, and all just purpose, and so disastrous in its effects on the whole body of the people, is, so far as I know, no where else to be heard of. This changing the custody of the public money, without authority of Congress, is, as a measure of ONTARIO COUNTY (N. Y.) MEMORIAL. policy, wholly without justification, and, as a blow on the Mr. WEBSTER presented a memorial signed by three prosperity of the country, wholly without example. The thousand citizens of the county of Ontario, in the State people ought not to submit to it. Their respect, their of New York. These memorialists, said Mr. W., are attachment for any individual, however strong that refarmers, mechanics, merchants, and other citizens. They spect and attachment may be, ought not to make them represent that they inhabit a portion of western New willing to submit to such an extension of executive power, York, essentially agricultural, and second to none in fer- and to the consequences which flow from it. And I am tility of soil and other natural advantages. This will be sure they will not submit. The country is effectually readily admitted by all 'acquainted with the county. It roused. The people feel a spirit stirring within them, is in the beautiful lake country, is large, constituting a which they know is the spirit which has come down to Congressional district by itself, and is doubtless in the them with the blood which fills their veins. It is the very first class of agricultural counties. Its great prod-spirit of their fathers, who did not wait till unjust power ucts are wheat and cattle, and its principal manufacture had crushed them, but who saw its approach in the lowerthat of flour; although there are, in the county, manufacing storm, snuffed it in the tainted gale, and met it, and tories both of wool and cotton. Ontario, in its leading resisted it, and repelled it. It is the most alarming character, is a county of intelligent farmers. It belongs cumstance in our whole condition, that in order to justify to that interest which is at once the most general in the the removal of the deposites, principles are advanced by United States, and is also the basis of other pursuits. Its the Executive which threaten a change in the substantial rich lands and other local advantages, have invited into it, character of our Government. The argument which is as the memorialists state, considerable capital, and stimu- to justify the Executive in this instance, seems to me to lated strongly the industry of the people. The growth leave little or no power to Congress over the public treas of the county is good proof of this. This growth resem-ure. We thus see a constant advance in the claims of bles the vigor with which population has spread forth, power. Those who defended the letter read to the cabiand penetrated the wildernesses, in regions beyond the net, probably never expected to be called on to support Alleghany. I am old enough to remember when he who such reasons as were afterwards given by the Secretary; had seen the Seneca lake, had performed a journey from and those who made up their minds to stand by the Seethe Atlantic coast fit to be spoken of; and I see it stated, retary's report, could not have foreseen that, ere long, indeed, in some interesting recent account of the settle- they must prepare themselves for the doctrine of the proment of this part of New York, that, when the county test. And what is next to be put forth, time only can show. of Ontario was established, it contained only a thou- Sir, a month or two ago, an honorable member, of New sand inhabitants, though it extended from the Seneca York, spoke with pleasure of the unanimity of feeling lake to Lake Erie, carrying the whole breadth of the which prevailed in New York, and of the quieting, in State, between Canada and Pennsylvania; an extent of some measure, of what he thought an unhappy controcountry now embracing thirteen or fourteen counties, versy, which had existed, heretofore, in the western parts with a population of near four hundred thousand. A of that State particularly. I think, too, sir, there are country so rapidly growing, with so much necessity of signs of union, and much stronger signs than there were sale, purchase, and exchange, of course requires credit when the gentleman alluded to the subject. Sir, the letand confidence, and a stable currency, to conduct its bu- ter addressed to the honorable member from Kentucky siness beneficially. The memorialists declare that the and myself, committing this memorial to our care, is signeffect of recent measures of Government has been most ed by names, many of them not unknown here. They disastrous, on all their great interests. The farmer, the are, Nathaniel W. Howell, John C. Spencer, Mark H. merchant, the mechanic, all feel alike the pressure of the Sibley, James D. Bemis, Z. Barton Stout, John Dixson, times. Produce has fallen in price from twenty-five to Phindres Prouty, H. R. Schermerhorn, Robert Carey thirty-three per cent. since the interference of the Execu-Nicholas, Abraham C. Post, Samuel Rawson, Stephen tive with the public revenue; and land, land itself, the Bates, and Moses Fairchild.

great capital of the county, the form in which the vast Those who know these gentlemen will recognise among proportion of its property consists, has fallen, within the them persons whose political opinions have not been the same time, to the same extent. I receive this informa-same, on all subjects, nor their political objects always tion from the best sources, and to which I give entire identical. Yet they are united. They are united, as in credit. Here, then, is a reduction of the whole property of a common cause, and seeking to remove a common evil, the people, twenty-five or thirty-three per cent., a strik- They come with one voice to Congress, they speak with ing off, at a blow, one-quarter or one-third of the whole one voice to the people; and I trust they will act with value of what they possess! Sir, is this tolerable? All one heart and one mind, in the present exigency of public

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APRIL 25, 1834.]

Ontario County (N. Y.) Memorial.

[SENATE.

affairs. It is to this union, to these united counsels and actual danger, if he should go to Baltimore. Now, he united efforts, to this sense of common danger, and this rose on this occasion to say, that his former remarks apcommon sacrifice of minor differences to high patriotic plied to the people of Baltimore who assembled on Sundeties, that I look, and look confidently, for the salvation day last, in the afternoon, and no others. of the country. Every day accumulates new proofs of M. WEBSTER said, he should be sorry, on any occathis growing harmony of public sentiment. Far and near sion, to do the slightest injustice to the gentleman from there is a rallying for the constitution and the laws. Three Georgia. But, he would have the honorable member to days ago we heard of the clamorous and factious shouts recollect, that if, in consequence of what had been said of the citizens of Baltimore. Another peal now reaches on the subject, any thing unpleasant had arisen, he [Mr. ns from the multitudes assembled in those same streets, FORSYTH] was a volunteer in the matter entirely; having and in this peal mingle many new voices, of powerful made allusion to Baltimore without any provocation whattone. Sir, the American people are so well schooled in ever. Whilst the Senate were engaged in a discussion on the great doctrines of free government, that they are the memorials from New Jersey, the honorable Senator Competent to teach first principles, even to their rulers, had taken occasion to depart from it, and to introduce funkappily such teaching should become necessary. some observations in relation to the proceedings of SunThey will teach them that public complaint, for mal-ad- day last, in which he knew an individual of this body to ministration of government, is not clamor; that indigna- have participated. Now, he (Mr. W.) would leave it to tion for unnecessary and severe national suffering, is not the honorable member and others to say, whether, on treason, either legal or moral; that to resist the encroach- that account, notice of them was rendered desirable. ments of power, is not to cabal against government; and The gentleman was altogether a volunteer in it. He that the people themselves are not a faction. (Mr. W.) wished to repeat, that he had no intention to do Mr. FORSYTH then said, he had not seen the Balti-injustice to the honorable Senator, and had not ascribed more papers, and therefore he could not say whether the any term to him, which he had not used and applied to same thing of which he (Mr. F.) spoke, had occurred. the citizens of Baltimore. He had said, that he intended He thought, however, it could not well be. A Sabbath it only to apply to those who had chosen to assemble in day had not intervened since, so as to afford them the the streets of that city, for the purpose of making a disoccasion. He was not in his seat yesterday at the time turbance. That, however, did not help the gentleman's the gentleman from Massachusetts made some remarks case. He (Mr. W.) could assure the gentleman, that pon the presentation of a memorial from Union county, among the crowd were many individuals whom he [Mr. Pennsylvania, but he would take this occasion to allude F.] did respect, must respect, and would not say he did to them. [Here Mr. F. read Mr. W.'s remarks as report-not respect; and that they were not only in dozens, but ed in the Intelligencer.] Now, Mr. F. took it for granted by hundreds and thousands. He would not succeed in

the report was correct, and if so, the gentleman had done drawing any line of respectability and of character behim very great injustice. He had never found fault with tween the citizens of Baltimore generally, and those who any of the citizens of the United States for memorializing had assembled on Sunday. The honorable Senator had Congress; nor had he ever said that meetings for such thought proper to make a warm speech against tumultupurpose were offensive in their character. His remarks ous assemblages-against proceedings which he thought referred to a meeting in Baltimore, and was confined sim-factious." There was, perhaps, no occasion for readheply to those who were celebrating the Sabbath day in that ing a lecture to any portion of the people of Baltimore. If city, in a particular way. He thought that meeting was any injustice had been done the honorable member, he noisy and clamorous, and prompted by a spirit of faction, had done it to himself. Far be it from me (said Mr. W.) and that nothing but political feeling could have caused to say any thing which would have the slightest tendency edit He believed it had been stated that one of the speak- to place the honorable member in a disrespectful light or ers, on that occasion, had endeavored to avoid that vio- character, before the people of Baltimore. Far be it lation of decorum, but was called out by the people to from me-but the gentleman must consider to whom he address them. Now, this was noise and clamor, and his applies language of that sort; and he must consider, too, remarks applied only to those who were assembled on the occasion to which it was applied. And I think he is that day. Another remark of the honorable gentleman bound to consider, also, that it was without cause—withwas complimentary to Gov. Snyder, of Pennsylvania. out provocation. And when, he would ask, bad Gov. Snyder become a fa- Although I do not speak in a spirit of fault-finding, I vorite with the honorable gentleman? It was not long must say, it would have been quite as well not to have alsince the party the gentleman was connected with had luded, without necessity, to an occurrence in which a considered him a stupid Dutchman-that he was chosen member of the Senate took part, without his fore-knowlby a community of stupid Dutch. Mr. F. spoke only of edge or procurement.

reasonable threats, and he did say that exertions were Mr. FORSYTH said, that whether he was a volunteer, raking to urge the people to the commission of treason or not, was of no importance. He had found the subject against, not the President, but the Congress of the United in his way, and had used it because it was, in his opinStates. The good newspapers of this city of Washington ion, appropriate. But the gentleman from Massachusetts did not always tell the truth of what was done in this Hall. was not aware of the injustice he had done to him. What Some omitted to state what fell from gentlemen here- he (Mr. F.) had said, referred exclusively to the proothers suppressed it—while others put sentiments into our ceedings of Sunday. The terms in which he had exauths which we never entertained, and never express-pressed himself were not stated with precise correctness. But it would not do to complain of it, because it [Here Mr. F. read a portion of the remarks of Mr. WEBwould seem like interfering with the liberty of the press. STER.] "Clear gone in moral treason!" Now, it was imBut ought we not ourselves to be a little more regardful possible for any one, not present at the debate, to come of what we say of each other? Now, these remarks of to any other conclusion, than that this expression had refthe honorable gentleman were calculated to do him a great erence to those of the people of Baltimore, who assemdeal of injury. Some time since, he was abused in the bled in the ordinary manner, to exercise their legitimate public papers for the expression of sentiments which he right of expressing their opinions, and not, as was the ever uttered or dreamed of. And a petition had been fact, that it referred exclusively to the Sunday prosent to the other House, containing threats against him ceedings. The gentleman from Massachusetts had emfor saying what he never did say; and these remarks of braced every thing that had happened in Baltimore, and the honorable gentleman were calculated to place him in did not confine his remarks, as he (Mr. F.) had done, to

SENATE.] Ontario County (N. Y.) Memorial.—Hanover (York County, Pa.) Proceedings. [APRIL 25, 1834.

the proceedings of Sunday. He had no doubt that there were, among the assemblage, men of the highest respectability. But, admitting this, he must also say, that he could not doubt that these gentlemen had suffered the excitement of the moment to render them forgetful of their duty to their country.

The memorial was then referred to the Committee on Finance, and ordered to be printed.

HANOVER (YORK CO., PA.) PROCEEDINGS. Mr. CLAY presented the proceedings and resolutions of a public meeting in the district of Hanover, in York county, Pennsylvania, against the removal of the deposites.

Mr. WEBSTER said he had understood the honorable gentleman from Georgia as confining his remarks to the meeting which took place on Sunday last; and if he (Mr. On presenting these proceedingsW.) had not expressed himself so explicitly as he might Mr. CLAY rose and said: I am made, Mr. President, have done, he certainly did not wish to misrepresent the the organ of communicating to the Senate the resolutions honorable member. He would, however, tell him that and proceedings of a respectable meeting of the citizens he would do well to refrain from indulging in such re- of Hanover district, a part of the highly important counmarks as he had used, in reference to the Baltimore ty of York, in the State of Pennsylvania. Hanover is a meeting, and with which he had found so much fault. beautiful valley on the east side and near to the first range With respect to what the honorable Senator had said of mountains as you proceed westwardly, distant from about Governor Snyder, he (Mr. W.) would merely say Baltimore about forty-five miles. These resolutions ema that he had never the pleasure of knowing Governor Sny-nate from an orderly, moral, industrious, and estimable der. He had, however, always understood him to be a community, embracing farmers, mechanics, and persons stern and inflexible friend of liberty, a man of strong engaged in most of the busy vocations incident to our en sense, honest purpose, and warm patriotism. I have never terprising people. They express themselves in the man(said Mr. W.) heard those qualities denied to him; and I ly language of freemen, firmly and fearlessly, but deco. have no doubt his worthy descendants inherit these char-rously. acteristics; and, for this reason, I cherish for them re- The meeting express their conviction that the removal spect and regard.

of the deposites, on the responsibility of the President, Mr. LEIGH felt no desire to take part in this conver- was an assumption of power which ought to be resisted sation, but he could not forbear remarking, as one of the by every American citizen, under any circumstances; and prominent "signs of the times," the introduction of re- that they will, to the utmost of their power, resist Execu ligion into the political affairs of the Union. The other tive encroachments and usurpations. They declare that day, he had heard a gentleman in another place drawing the restoration of the deposites would not only be an act a parallel between the present times in this country and of justice to the bank, but would contribute to the revi those of Charles I and Oliver Cromwell in England. He val of the public prosperity of a country almost ruined by could not but wish that the gentleman from Georgia had the Executive. They express their opinion that the char been present. That gentleman had alluded to the meet-ter of the bank ought to be renewed; and they condemn ing which took place at Baltimore on the Sabbath. The the conduct of the Governor of Pennsylvania as vacil honorable Senator, with his genius, he was sure, could ting and time-serving. I concur entirely in all these sennot fail to discover one point of resemblance in that timents of the good people of Hanover. parallel. Mr. President, Pennsylvania has been ever distinguish

But my de

He (Mr. L.) did not mean to defend any irregularities ed by her ardent attachment to democracy. I, too, was on the Sabbath, or to vindicate the people of Baltimore educated, and have always followed, in the same school. for having assembled on the Sabbath. The President was All my principles have been drawn from it. a very religious man-so was the gentleman from Geor-mocracy has taught me that civil liberty was its prime ob gia! He had no doubt of it-not the least. And, as he ject, and free institutions and great measures of national (Mr. L.) should not interfere between the consciences of policy were its means. It has inculcated on me a steady those individuals and their God, so should the gentleman and firm adherence to first principles, without regard to not interfere between the consciences of the people of men, or any individual man. It has enjoined me never to Baltimore and their God. He (Mr. L.) could not resist renounce my principles for the sake of any mortal being. telling a story. A clergyman, remarkable for his piety, It has instilled into my mind jealousy of executive pow was speaking in the presence of a stranger, who did not er, executive patronage, and executive influence. In a know him, in terms of charity, of some irregularity, fol- conflict between power and prerogative, on the one hand, ly, or vice, which that stranger thought very enormous, and freedom and liberal principles on the other, it does He then asked the clergyman this question: "Sir, have not allow me to doubt the course which I ought to take. you any religion in your heart?" The clergyman replied, It requires me to regard men in power as mere instru "None to talk of." ments to accomplish the salutary purposes for which GovMr. FORSYTH said, that of the religion of the Presi-vernment was instituted-the safety, welfare, and liberty dent he did not think it proper to speak. He knew lit- of the people. And it enforces on me to abandon them tle or nothing about the matter, and therefore should not when they are false or faithless to their high trust. interfere with it. But of his own, as the honorable Sen- The meeting in Hanover district denounce the conduct ator from Virginia had referred to it, he might say some of their Governor as vacillating and time-serving. Sir, thing. He regretted to inform the gentleman, that, with there was a moment, during the present session of Conrespect to his religion, as well as many other topics con- gress, when all eyes, and all hopes, and all hearts, were cerning which he had heard him express himself, he was turned towards Harrisburg. Governor Wolf almost held greatly mistaken. He (Mr. F.) was very, very sorry, he in his hands the fate of the constitution, and of the coun was not a religious man. Now, with regard to the gentry. He had repeatedly expressed himself in favor of a tleman's story: he really did not understand his point, sound currency, and in favor of the Bank of the United and could not make any reply to it; nor did he understand States. If he had been a man of consistency, of firmness, his allusion to the days of Charles I, and of Cromwell. He and of patriotism, there remained for him but one clear had certainly done nothing to imply a suspicion that he line of conduct. But how, at this critical juncture, did had attempted to address himself to the false feelings of the fulfil the general expectations? He shrunk from his a certain class of the community. He had seen such duty, and, lending himself to executive usurpation, joined things done here several times, at which he had felt much in denouncing the conduct of that bank which had been mortified; but, nevertheless, he treated such efforts with the object of his previous commendation. As the the most profound contempt. of Pennsylvania, he should have boldly stood up for