APRIL 21, 1834.] President's Protest. [SENATE. object of all rules, was to carry into effect the intention of into effect, the honorable Senator might withdraw his the body; and here the very point at issue was, whether amendment, pocket the document, and walk out of the the papers of the President should go on the Journals. Senate. The procedure of the honorable Senator was no This amendment, therefore, must be out of order. The reduction of his views to writing. He (Mr. W.) thought question was, whether an individual member could thus time ought to be allowed the honorable Senator; but if the put aside the intention of the Senate. Senate did not choose to grant time, there was no remedy. The honorable Senator had no right to take up the document from the table of the Senate, and offer it as his motion. Mr. FORSYTH did not understand the point of obcjection. His object was to incorporate the message with Cthe resolutions, that its true character might be seen. the Mr. SPRAGUE said, when the paper was read to the ft Senate, he noticed that the President called the Secretaries his Secretaries, not only once, but repeatedly; whereas, in the printed copy, this expression was used but once. By examining the original, he had found his in ink, and the in pencil, over it. He would ask which was the true threading, and which was to be incorporated in this motion. Mr. CALHOUN said, the rule required that every motion should be given in writing; and he requested that this motion should be put in writing, in all its parts. Mr. FORSYTH would reduce it to writing, when he had an opportunity. ree W t e a de fing nd fa the erf On a Mr. PRESTON said, it was remarkable to see one document answer so many purposes. It was in the first place sent to the Senate as a protest, and then published to the nation as a proclamation of the President. It was a protest to the Senate one day, in one shape, and the next day, in another shape. Even while the Senate was discussing it in one form, it assumed another through the medium of the President's private Secretary. This was the second time that papers had been altered, after they had been placed in the possession of the Senate. former occasion he had said that this tampering with papers was a very improper and dangerous practice, was The SECRETARY explained in regard to the alterations much to be avoided. A protest was sent to the Senate by made in the message. The next morning after the mes- the President, and when it was found that it contained sage was sent in, the President's private Secretary had some passages likely to rouse the indignation of the people told him of two or three verbal errors, of which his Sec- by the despotic disposition which they indicated, the priretary was one. He had informed him, that as the mes-vate Secretary was sent down to alter the document, and sage had been read, he could permit no amendment, but make it more palatable. Thus altered, 40,000 copies he had himself inserted the corrections in pencil, for the were distributed to the people. He had said this morning mere purpose of reference. that he rejoiced to see the President beginning a luminous commentary on the text he had sent to the Senate; he did not expect, however, that the text would have been touched. They had now before them a new text. The document had been interfered with while it was in the possession of the Senate, and they were engaged in discussing it. Mr. WEBSTER called for the other corrections, and ere the Secretary read a number of instances, in which expression was substituted for admission, removing for controlling, exercise for examine, &c. he Mr. CLAY wished to know at what time these corrections were made. The SECRETARY said, On Friday morning. The particular points to which Senators had objected Mr. CLAY requested that the Senate might know, and had been removed. The paper had originally stalked the country, that on Friday morning, after the paper had in tragic boots, and with a haughty mien; but now, throwbeen commented on, after my Secretary had been repeat-ing aside the sock and gown, it came forward under the edly pronounced by the President, this alteration had been comic face of an amendment. Suppose the Senator from attempted. Georgia, now that the Chair had decided that his motion There was another thing to be observed and remember was in order, chooses to withdraw his amendment, to ed: any man must perceive that transforming the papers whom would the document then belong. The use to could not have been rendered necessary by the mistakes which the paper was attempted to be put, was cerof a clerk; no clerk could mistake his for the, and no clerk tainly not a proper one; it could not be made to ancould commit the other mistakes, such as money for prop-swer so many purposes. The protest of the President erty, &c. was now brought forward as an amendment. "To Mr. C. hoped the Secretary would not insert any more what vile uses may we come at last: the dust of Alexpencil marks. The paper proved that the attempt itself ander may stop a bung-hole." There was another point was another instance of Executive encroachment. What! of order. The amendment was in direct contradiction to after a paper had been printed and commented on, might the original motion. Common sense taught, that such an the President send his private Secretary to alter it? But amendment could not be received. it showed the spirit of the times, and it showed but too strongly the spirit of the man. Mr. FORSYTH now began to reduce his amendment to writing. Mr. CALHOUN said he should be disposed to withdraw his motion, if the Senator from Georgia would withdraw his amendment, and return it to the Executive. That, Mr. C. said he thought would be the best disposi Mr. WEBSTER said, that while the gentleman was en-tion of it. gaged in that agreeable operation, he wished to say that the account given by the Secretary should be reduced to writing. Mr. FORSYTH called for the ayes and noes upon his motion, and read a rule of the Senate to show that it was perfectly in order. Mr. FORSYTH brought to the Chair the first part of If, he said, he were disposed to be critical, he might his amendment, in his own writing, and the original Ex-say, that gentlemen sought to deprive him of his right ecutive manifesto, as the remainder of it. Mr. POINDEXTER objected to that form of the amendLent, by taking the document itself. The CHAIR said, it was not necessary for him to reduce he whole to writing; printed, or other parts, might be inprporated. to have this resolution put upon the Journal. Every necessary purpose was answered by the course he had pursued. What would be their situation if a Senator was to be deprived of his right to make an amendment, by a mere question of order. Three or four hours would be necessary to make a copy of the document, and in the mean time a vote might be taken, and he would thus be deprived of one of his most sacred rights Mr. WEBSTER said, there appeared to him to be a as a Senator of the United States. The question was now ncord of ingenuity between the Chair and the gentle- whether his motion should be received. Honorable genhan from Georgia. If the course proposed was carried tlemen made use of the document in question to condemn Mr. CALHOUN appealed from the decision of the Chair. SENATE.] President's Protest.—Albany Memorial.—Adams (Mass.) Memorial. [APRIL 22, 1834. the President, and he, Mr. F., was not to be permitted to of names, attached to one copy of the memorial, had been make use of it as an amendment. With regard to the left out of the package which had been handed to me. alterations which had been made, he begged to say that They have lost no time in forwarding this omitted list, the paper had not been received by the Senate, and, un- and I now hold it in my hand, to be presented to the Sentil that was done, the President had a right to alter it. ate, and added to the others. To be sure against further But what were the alterations? Did the President shrink error, I have asked an officer of the Senate to have from any thing he had previously said? If he did, let these additional names counted, and he certifies them to him be condemned, but not otherwise. The President's amount to 1,485. Here they are, sir-the original signacharacter was too well known for any one to believe him tures--and here comes with them a regular affidavit, veriguilty of such conduct. The words "his Secretary," fying the paper, and accounting for the omission. This were still retained; he, Mr. F., wished to know if any alteration had taken place in substance. Mr. SPRAGUE called for the reading of the document in its original and in its altered state. Mr. KANE asked if any alteration had been really made? The SECRETARY replied in the negative. He had merely inserted the words in pencil for the purpose of reference. The Secretary then read those parts of the paper in which alterations had been made, and showed what the alterations were. makes up, sir, the number as originally stated; and I hope will be satisfactory. If it should not be, and if it would give gentlemen any gratification to receive an additional 500 or 1,000 names, I imagine little pains would be necessary to furnish them that gratification. Mr. President, in one of those unrivalled speeches of Mr. Burke, in which he indulged his admiration of Ameri ca, he says, when speaking of the growth of our population, "Whether I put the present numbers too high, or too low, is a matter of little moment. Such is the strength with which population shoots in that part of the world, that, state the numbers as high as we will, while the dispute continues, the exaggeration ends. While we Mr. LEIGH wished to understand what was the object of the Senate. He understood the question now to be on an appeal from the decision of the Chair, that it was are discussing any given magnitude, they are grown in order for the gentleman from Georgia, to take a docu- to it." ment from the Senate and to submit it to the Chair in the form of writing, that his motion might be in order. Was that the question? State Sir, a similar sentiment would be just in regard to the numbers among our fellow-citizens, who are rallying to oppose the recent measures of Government. The CHAIR said that the rule existed, although it was the numbers as we will, if the statement be not true tonot usually acted upon. He supposed the intention of day, it will yet probably be true to-morrow. the rule to be, that the resolution might be generally un- Mr. WRIGHT rose to move the printing of the names. derstood; and he imagined, that taking the document from He added, that the Senate would do him the credit to the table would answer that purpose. say, that he had expressed his belief that there was some mistake about the matter. He moved that these names be printed. Mr. LEIGH said, if the object had not been distinctly avowed by the gentleman from Georgia to be, to compel the Senate to do what it might object to do, he would not have made any remarks on the subject. But from the manner in which the Chair had acted, it seemed to him as if the Chair claimed similar power over that body to that which the President of the United States claimed over the public money. The question was, which paper should be received; and the main question was, which should be spread over the Journals of the Senate. The majority was against it, and the object of the gentleman from Georgia was, that the Senate should be openly accused. The question with him was, whether the motion was in order. He would vote that it be not received; or, in other words, that he [Mr. FORSYTH] shall not have it in his power to do that which the Senate had determined not to do. He would not profess to be well informed on the subject; but he would vote against the motion. Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN then moved an adjournment, which, after a little opposition, was carried. And the Senate adjourned. TUESDAY, APRIL 22. Mr. WEBSTER expressed his wish that the names! might be printed. He would do the justice to the honorable member to say, that he understood him to have expressed himself as he had stated. The paper was then referred, and the names ordered to be printed. ADAMS (MASS.) MEMORIAL. Mr. WEBSTER said he had to present to the Senate" a memorial from the farmers, manufacturers, mechanics, and traders of the town of Adams, in the county of Berkshire, in Massachusetts. These memorialists complain of the injurious effects of the recent measures of Government on their business and means of living. Twelve hundred persons, they state, have been engaged in manufacturing, in that township, having entered into those pursuits under the encouragement of Government, and assurances of its protection. That, in the midst of prosperity, their career has been suddenly arrested; some of the establishments have been obliged to stop, and others to dismiss their hands, more or less, and many individnals have fallen into great want and great distress. These memorialists aver, sir, that that is true, which I have more than once predicted would soon be found Mr. WEBSTER rose and said, it would be remember- true; and that is, that the measures of the administration ed that not long before he left his seat, on leave of ab- tend to make some of the rich richer, and all the poor sence he had had the honor of presenting a memorial poorer; and all, they say, of whatever tongue or kindred, from citizens of Albany, complaining of recent measures who have foreign capital at command, enjoy advantages of Government. He had been authorized on that occa- over American industry and perseverance. As Ameri sion to state, and had stated, that the number of signers cans, then, they address themselves to Congress: they was twenty-eight hundred, or thereabouts. I soon after say to Congress, "restore the currency, restore the con saw, said Mr. W., that this statement was denied, and that fidence of the people, restore the character and credit of no more than thirteen or fourteen hundred names were to the nation, restore our prosperity and happiness. Ond be found to the papers. The honorable member from act of yours can do all this.” New York, [Mr. WRIGHT,] I believe himself alluded to this apparent deficiency. So soon, sir, as these observations reached the memorialists, they inquired into the cause of the mistake, and they found that one long roll ALBANY MEMORIAL. Sir, as one of the representatives of the people of North Adams, I respond to them, by saying, that, so far as depends on my efforts here, and on those of my colleague, and on those of their own able and excellent rep APRIL 22, 1834.] New Jersey Memorials. [SENATE. resentative in the other House, and most of his col- truth, complain of the general interruption of commerce leagues, there will be no abandonment of the present ob- and business, induced by unlawful and unconstitutional ject and present purpose, till their prosperity be restored, executive interference. They trace all the difficulties till the credit of the nation be restored, and till the consti- and embarrassments of the country to this cause. And tution of the country be restored also. Let them be of who could be so blind as not to expect just such consegood cheer. Permanent distress, from mere misgovern-quences? Sir, they complain of the hostile proceedings ment, can hardly be the lot of an intelligent people. of the administration towards the United States Bank, as The memorial was then referred to the Committee on uncalled for by any part of its conduct, as a measure vinFinance, and ordered to be printed. dictive in appearance, altogether devoid of sound policy, and destructive of the public welfare. NEW JERSEY MEMORIALS. Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN said he had been requested to present to the Senate a certified copy of certain resolutions and a memorial adopted by the friends of the present administration, at a county meeting, held at Somerville, in the county of Somerset, by citizens of that County, in New Jersey. Thus far, then, sir, have my colleague and myself been sustained in our reference to the people of New Jersey. We have put the matter fairly and fearlessly before them. We have no anxieties about the issue. I believe, sir, that an inquisition is going forward, that will make the very pillars of power tremble. I make, sir, the usual motion, that the memorials and resolutions be read and printed, and referred to the Committee on Finance. I take pleasure, said Mr. F., in assuring the Senate of the respectability of the gentlemen who conducted this Mr. SOUTHARD remarked: On two of the memomeeting, and that their opinions are entitled to receive rials just read to the Senate, I do not feel disposed to from me and this body, respectful consideration. It is make a single remark; my colleague has correctly repwith satisfaction, and some consolation, too, that I find resented them and the memorialists. But, as I also rethese proceedings conveyed in decorous and dignified ceived a copy of the proceedings and memorial signed language, and wanting altogether the harsh and occasion- by the secretary of one of the meetings, with a request al personal severity that has at some times assailed my that I would present them to the Senate, I feel it to be honorable colleague and myself. While I say this, how my duty to add something in relation to them. I mean ever, sir, I am constrained to dissent from the opinions those which come from the county of Somerset, and of these, my respectable constituents. I especially advert which are so strongly opposed to the views which I ento the fifth resolution, wherein, speaking of the late in-tertain on the great questions which have agitated the structions of the Legislature, they resolve in the following nation. terms: "We believe they expressed the sentiments of the That county is also my birth-place, and dear to me State-we know they gave the voice of the county of Som-as the memory of youth and the sympathies of blood and erset." Mr. President, this matter of belief and knowl-kindred can make it. And, first, I beg to assure the Senedge is a voluntary exercise-it cannot be forced; and as ate, that the memorialists are persons of high respectathis meeting has not instructed me to believe with them, bility-worthy not only of my own respect, but that of I shall certainly continue to think according to my own the bodies to which they have addressed their memolights, and the conclusions of my own mind. rial. The meeting is said, in the paper, to have been Now I do not believe, either in the majority of the large; but on this point, I am not advised by them. State, and I certainly cannot know, and do not believe, Their numbers I have no means of ascertaining. I speak the alleged state of public sentiment in the county of Som-only of the characters of those few whom I know to have erset. This ancient, honored county, sustain the en-been present; and of others, whose presence I infer from croachments of arbitrary power! If I was to select a dis- their well-known political partialities. trict in the State, where the pure, pervading, uncompro- I can have no dispute with the memorialists upon any mising whig principles of the Revolution prevailed, it political or party prejudices or opinions which they may would be the good old county of Somerset. Sir, it has entertain. Justly entitled to enjoy and express their been true to these principles from its earliest history. opinions and feelings, like other citizens, it is not my The first war-note that ever disturbed the tranquillity of duty to quarrel with, but to respect them, so far as may its valleys, was in that eventful hour when resistance to be in my power; but I ask from them the enjoyment arbitrary power was resolved. Yes, sir, it was against its of the same rights for myself. encroachments that our fathers buckled on their armorand the plains of Monmouth, Trenton, and Princeton, still hold a language that has lost none of its energy by time, but will, when needs be, warm every patriot bosom into enthusiasm. Sir, the true issue was not yet formed at the date of this meeting. The bank is certainly denounced for sufficient variety of charges and misconduct, in the resolutions and memorial before us, but the great question of power, on the one hand, and the majesty and dominion of our laws on the other, was not then raised. But I rejoice to know that the people are now coming up to the case, with the spirit and solemnity becoming enlightened freemen, jealous of their liberties. As I cannot concur with them in some of the facts on which they seem to rely, nor in some of the conclusions which they have drawn, I beg to notice two or three of them. I still entertain the hope, that even these memorialits, when fuller views shall be taken of this subject, and the lights of experience shall have had time to operate, will yet hesitate in their approbation of the conduct of the Executive, and will come to the relief of the constitution and laws. I concur with my colleague, that the true and most important question has not been met by them as fully as I could desire. They resolve, that the misconduct of the bank justified the Executive. But, if we admit that the bank has In proof of this, I beg leave to refer to the resolutions been guilty of misconduct-has been criminal-does it 1 memorial of a public meeting held at Princeton, New follow that the Executive has a right to punish it?-and ersey, composed of many respectable citizens of that without trial? Does its criminality justify the President Brough, and of the adjoining townships of Montgomery, in pronouncing sentence and executing judgment upon Somerset, and West Windsor, in Middlesex counties. it? Has he any authority to do this, except in the forms The memorial is signed by more than two hundred citi- of law? Must not the accused be heard and tried and ns. I also offer a memorial of more than eleven hun- sentenced? Can the sheriff or other executive officer ed subscribers; farmers, mechanics, merchants, and cit-execute his own views against the violators of law? This ens of the county of Middlesex and city of New Bruns-is not my understanding of legalized liberty; nor my beck. These respective memorials, with like justice and lief of the legal and moral principles of the county of VOL. X.-90 SENATE.] New Jersey Memorials. [APRIL 22, 1814. A Somerset. If I should admit that the bank has been as proof, I regret that they have not furnished it to me, for criminal as is alleged, it does not seem to me to follow, my information and guidance. If, then, the bank has not that the President had a right, by way of punishment, extended its business beyond its means, or the wants of and on his own motion, to withdraw the deposites. This the community, where is the evidence that its extensions is, to my mind, the more clear, because the law-and were corrupt; or that it was governed, in making them, surely the President is not above the law-the law has by electioneering or other corrupt motives? As to its expressly provided, that if the bank violate its charter, curtailments, to be criminal they must be unnecessary; and it shall be tried by court and jury. And even the Presi- they must be compulsory, involuntary, as to its debtors. dent admits, that if he had had time, he should have The meaning of the term implies, that the bank has called taken that course. Now, the least intelligent know, in, from its debtors, a larger amount of their accommo that this want of time, either in point of fact or of prin- dations and loans than the debtors were willing to pay, ciple, can furnish no apology. I could desire that this and larger than its own situation rendered necessary. portion of my constituents would review this position voluntary payment of a note or bill, at maturity, and when which they have assumed. the debtor does not wish to renew it, is no curtailment. They may be the more disposed to do this, perhaps, It is no contraction of the busines of the bank, of which when they learn that their political friends in the House any can properly complain. It is not an act which can of Representatives have not been able to bring them- be charged as an oppression or pressure upon any one. selves up to the affirmance of the Secretary's reasons for It can, by no possibility, create difficulty in the business the removal. The question, though directly presented, of the community. It can, by no exercise of ordinary in various ways, has been thus far skilfully evaded. Now, fairness, be attributed to corrupt motive. It is the ordiif a majority believed that the reasons were sufficient, nary and daily operation of every bank. would they not have been willing to say so? Would Now I ask for the proof that the bank curtailed, withthey not have given a prompt and cheerful support to in the period to which the Secretary alluded, and to the Executive and the Secretary? Would they have sat- which the memorialists refer as justifying the Secretaryisfied themselves with declaring that the deposites ought I mean the period previous to the 1st of October last. not to be restored? This may, in the estimation of many, know that the Secretary affirms it, and I perceive that the be true, although they express strong condemnation memorialists believe it; but, if they relied on his assertion, of the removal. Silence, absence of approval, under all I am convinced that he has misled them. Before that pethe circumstances, must be regarded as condemnation. riod, (the 1st October,) and within the time to which he These memorialists further express their opinion, that refers, and on which he rests his allegation, we are asthe unwarrantable course of the bank, in first extending sured by an official statement, taken from the records of and then curtailing discounts, to a very large amount; the bank, that there has been no curtailment; and the evithe attitude of hostility which it has assumed towards the dence is furnished in the clearest manner. Previous to local banks; and the concerted efforts which have been that date, no order to curtail or to draw in their means made, by its pensioned presses and hired retainers, to had been given-no act of that kind had been done; and, excite a general panic through the country, are the chief if this be so, how can the Secretary be justified in his causes of the present embarrassments, and that they are statements, and in inducing the memorialists and others purposely kept up, to distress the community, in the to believe the bank guilty in this respect? The public, hope thereby of coercing a renewal of the charter. who err in relation to facts, are not to be censured if they What is meant by these extensions and curtailments of have not the documents before them; the fault lies on the the bank? Those words have definite meanings. The person who leads them into error. It is very apparent extension of the business and accommodations of a bank, why the statement was made. The Secretary saw, by the to be improper, unwarrantable, criminal, or culpable, reports from the bank, that it had out, in discounts and must be beyond its means, and beyond the real and just accommodations, between three and four millions less in wants of the community, in the transaction of its fair and the fall than in the spring of 1833. He did not stop, he necessary business. Have the extensions of the bank did not take time to inquire how this happened. It was a gone beyond either of these? Has any evidence been fact suited to his use-its explanation seems to have been afforded that it has exceeded its proper, active means regarded as of little value. If he had inquired, he would of discounting and accommodation? I do not ask what it have found the reason to be, that the debtors of the bank may have done some ten or fifteen years ago, but recent- had paid notes and bills of exchange, &c., to that or nearly ly at the time when the President and Secretary made that amount; paid them voluntarily, at maturity, and withthe charge or even now, when these memorialists affirm out compulsion; and, therefore, that there was no criminal their belief of it?—nor do I ask for allegations and strong charges on this point. They are easily made, but are not the best evidence of truth, nor the best guide for the formation of opinions. Sir, no proof has been afforded so far as I have seen; none can, as I believe, be afforded. The condition of the bank, for several years past, its condition now, as known to all, disproves it. It has at no time, within the last eight or ten years, gone beyond its means. It has been safe; it is so now. I speak from the documents, and call for contradiction. Well, then, has it gone beyond the wants of the community? Here, again, I ask for proof, not allegation. When was it that the real wants and interests of the community did not require the full extent of the accommodations, of all kinds, which the bank has afforded? Let the period be pointed out, and the evidence given, of its improper conduct in this respect. They who have competent knowledge of the past history of the country, and of its commercial and Yet none of these, I believe, were compulsory curtai other interests, will not hesitate to affirm, that in this re-ments. They arose from the course of commercial tran gard, it is guiltless. Let those who accuse it, bring actions, and the payment of bills and notes at maturity themselves to the proof; and, if my constituents have that whose drawers and endorsers did not require a renewa, curtailment. If he had taken the time and trouble, he would have found the same fact also existing in previous years, within the same periods, and when there was no pretence of misconduct in the curtailments of the bank. It was the ordinary and common course of business at that season of the year. Thus, throwing aside fractions, there was, what is improperly called a curtailment In 1823, of $1,240,000 1824, of 1825, of 131,000 1826, of 3,000,000 1827, of 2,200,000 APRIL 22, 1834.] New Jersey Memorials. [SENATE. If the Secretary had compared the year '33 with other lusion. A sense of real suffering has forced their comyears, especially with '26, 29, 32, he might have found plaints from them. And how have the pensioned presses an explanation of the fact, without discovering in it ground and the hired retainers and the Bank of the United States for condemning the bank, or for his hasty, ill-advised, illegal removal of the public money from that bank. You perceive then, sir, that I do not concur with this portion of my constituents, in believing that the extensions and curtailments of the bank afford a justification for the conduct of the Executive. excited the panic? Did they render it impossible for the banks to accommodate and relieve the men of busines? Did they make the moneyed men withdraw their money from circulation? Did they cause the fall of produce, the depreciation of labor, the want of confidence in the administration of the laws, the reluctance in some banks The memorialists are also of opinion that the bank has to accept the public money from hands who had no right assumed a hostile attitude towards the State banks. This to possess and control it, and the determination of others may be so, sir, but I have not been furnished with the to surrender what they had received? Did they make evidence which has satisfied this part of my constituents, the people believe all this against fact, truth, and the and should like to see a specification of the facts, with evidence of their senses? The memorialists must, if it times and places. We have, it is quite true, had such be their pleasure, retain their opinions on this point. I allegations from agents and partisans, which have been cannot yield my credulity to this notion. I have no becredited, but we have had no facts. When and where lief that the people of the United States are to be driven was this hostile attitude assumed' What has been done into a panic by pensioned presses and hired retainers, or by the bank to evince it? What the results? What com- by a bank, on a subject of actual business and observation plaints have the State banks made of this hostility, or of of the condition of things around them. They are slow its consequences? I believe they have made none. Ito anticipate evil-never alarmed in such matters by unbelieve that they generally entertain a very different opin-founded terrors and warnings. They are more likely to ion, and consider the action of the bank as just and liberal; feel the pressure, before they dread its inflictions. and they are quite as competent to guard themselves, to But when they see that power against law has violated see their own interests, and to protect them, as those who rights—when they find the most potent instrument in have kindly volunteered their guardianship. I want securing and preserving a sound state of the currency, proofs of this hostility. I wish evidence of complaints by crippled and paralyzed in its action, compelled to look the State banks, and of injuries received by them, before to its own safety and security rather than to the accomI condemn. Mere allegation is not sufficient for me, nor modation of the commerce and business and interests can I credit the assertion of any one, in or out of office, of the country-when they observe that, by an act of that the bank has been guilty on this point, unless he will power unauthorized and reckless, the means of numerfavor me with evidence on which his assertions are ground-ous banks are placed in a condition not to meet and aned. You will perceive, therefore, sir, that I do not swer the wants of the community-when they discover concur with the memorialists in this fact, and am quite that those who have money are induced to preserve it, willing to bring the difference between us to the test of by hoarding it up-when produce falls-when the price public documents-to the trial by evidence. of labor diminishes-when improvements of all kinds in As to the "pensioned presses and hired retainers" the country are arrested—the rich unwilling to venture who have, by concerted efforts, excited the panic through- on enterprise, and the poor deprived of employmentout the country, I must leave them to the belief of the then they are alarmed and remonstrate--they suffer and memorialists. I know not which or whom they mean. Is they complain-they feel that their rights and prosperity it so, that the bank has pensioned those presses who have have been assailed, and they denounce those who have defended it from the attack of the Executive? If so, it violated them. They labor under no panic--they see and has had full employment, and must have expended no feel clearly and sensibly, and, believe me, they will be small portion of its means. Several hundred presses, in heard, to the redress of their grievances, let partisans all parts of the nation, can be pensioned by no trifling characterize their feelings by what epithets they may sum; or have only a few been pensioned, and have all choose. These memorialists petition Congress that the the others been deluded into the support of the same Government money may not be restored to the Bank of views? If there be many of them, it is not very clever the United States. Now, sir, believing that the contract of in these memorialists thus to accuse their friends, who in- the Government with the bank was violated by the revestigated the concerns of the bank, of neglect in not moval of the public money, I think it ought to be restodiscovering these pensioned presses and publishing them red and without delay-that the faith and honor of the Govto the world. I believe they did not pretend to have dis-ernment, and its fidelity to its engagements, may be uncovered more than some two or three, or perhaps more, impeached. Believing, further, that the law was broken editors who had even borrowed money of this bank, as by Executive misconduct, I think that the restoration others borrow it. These constituents of mine must be- should take place, if for no other cause, that the majesty hieve on this point according to their own sense of jus- of the law may be vindicated. It is, perhaps, to be retice. When they furnish me with satisfactory evidence, gretted that we could reach this vindication of the law, I will concur with them. But, sir," hired retainers" also and the restoration of the contract, only by condemning excited or helped on the panic. Here, again, I ask who the act of the Executive--the head of a party. Could are meant? One thing I am sure, they meant no impu- this have been avoided, sir, there would have been no tation of corruption upon my colleague, who has been difficulty in our way. How often have we heard it said, quite as free in his remarks upon the mischievous conse-that the act was wrong, incorrect, unwise-that it was illquences of the misconduct of the Executive as others. advised and to be regretted; but that it was assailed by If any assertion of this sort should be made against him an adverse party, and must be defended by the party. It by any one, these memorialists would be the very first to denounce the slander. I hope they would do me equal justice. But what is meant by the panic? Does a consternan exist which is without cause? Is the fear of the untry without reason? Has all that we have heard of stress and suffering been fancy and imagination? Sir, e thousands of memoriaists who have sent their petions and remonstrances to us, have not acted under de was the act of the leader, and must be supported as a party measure. I will not comment upon the morality, or patriotism, or love of law, of such a position; nor question the right of any one either to act upon or to defend the measure on such a ground. Nor do I know that these memorialists are at all influenced by such considerations; but we all know that there are some, though not in the Senate, yet elsewhere, who do act upon that principle. But there are other reasons why I cannot concur with |