principle in the American republic, that the agents for collecting and receiving the public monies should account therefor at short and stated periods.

The subject of "internal improvements," so far as related to post roads, was discussed in February, 1795, but not so fully as at a later period; and no formal opinion of Congress was expressed, so as to be a precedent for future appropriations for such purposes. A survey for a route to convey the mail from Maine to Georgia, was proposed by Mr. Madison; but it does not appear that his opinion was settled in favor of the constitutionality of the measure; for he did not urge it; and he admitted that the expense would be very great. He said it was the commencement of an extensive work; and he did not wish to decide at that time. Several other members spoke in approbation of the measure, as one highly conducive to the public convenience. Appropriations of the public funds for such an object, or for a great national road, like the Cumberland, designed to facilitate the travel from the Atlantic to the western section of the United States, have been advocated since, by those opposed to internal improvements for sectional objects, and such as would be local or partial in the conveniences they would afford. It is matter of surprise that there should have been any question as to necessary post roads.

The first session of the fourth Congress continued till June, 1796, and was then adjourned to the first Monday of December following. Besides the proceedings of the national legislature, already noticed, other important acts were passed, giving improvement and stability to the federal government, for doing justice and maintaining peace with other nations. Trading houses were established, and agents appointed, to reside in the western territory, near the Indian tribes, with a view to maintain a friendly intercourse with them, and to prevent individuals from all fraudulent and improper treatment of them. Provision was also made for the sale of the public lands in that part of the country. An act was passed for the protection and relief of American seamen. The military establishment was augmented, and fixed for the term of three years; and further provision was made for the reduction of the national debt.

But such were the prejudices and party feelings, then unhappily prevailing, that the best efforts of the President and his Cabinet were opposed, or misrepresented. The charges formerly brought against the administration as being more friendly to the monarchy of England, than to

republican France, and as being extravagant in the public expenditures, were repeated in a tone of asperity and bitterness, alike dishonorable to those who made them, and injurious to the influence which it is important those in authority should possess If it were only a few base and despicable individuals who directly uttered and published such gross charges, they were in some cases encouraged in their licentious vocation by men of high standing, who claimed the respect of the nation. The situation of the President was rendered exceedingly unpleasant and perplexing by this inveterate opposition to his measures, and by these reproaches on his public official acts for the good of the nation. His impartial and magnanimous conduct towards the two great belligerent nations of Europe was not duly appreciated; but on the contrary was most uncandidly criticised; and censured without the semblance of truth or reason. A second and a third French minister, after the revolution in that country, imitating the improper conduct of the first, appealed to the passions and prejudices of the people of the United States, to lessen their respect and confidence in the President; and many justified, as well their interference with the measures of the federal administration, as the unjust claims of the French government on the gratitude and support of the United States.

New ambassadors were appointed in 1796, to the court of Great Britain and to the government of France. Mr. Munroe was recalled from France, on the charge of delaying or partially stating the explanations which the President had directed him to make to the French government, relating to some measures of a commercial nature which he had adopted, and of which the men then in power in France complained. It was supposed that Mr. Munroe had yielded too much to his sympathies for that nation, or to the intrigues or threats of its rulers. Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, was appointed to succeed him; who, it was believed, would be decided and faithful in supporting the interests and the character of the United States, and at the same time would not be disagreeable to that nation, on account of any partiality for the British government. At this time, also, Mr. King of New York, was selected for ambassador to the court of London, in the place of Thomas Pinckney, of South Carolina, who had requested leave to return to the United States.

As the second term of years, for which General Washington had been elected President, was now drawing to a close, he expressed more strongly than ever, to his partic

ular friends, his desire and purpose to retire from public life. His advanced age* furnished one consideration for this resolution; and he expressed the opinion also, that the time for an individual to occupy the chair of chief magistrate, in an elective, republican government, should not be extended to a long period. He had reason moreover to hope, that the difficulties both with England and France would be removed; or be less dangerous in future to the peace of the United States. But should new disputes arise, he was not disposed to admit that others might not meet them with proper discretion and firmness. When, therefore, some of his friends urged him to be again a candidate for the presidency, from solely patriotic motives, he was not persuaded that it was his duty to comply with their advice. In September, 1796, he publicly announced his determination to decline being a candidate for the presidential chair at the approaching election; and gave his parting advice to the people of the United States, in which he eloquently expressed his ardent wishes for the continuance of their liberty and prosperity, and urged them to cherish a sacred regard for the Constitution, and for the preservation of the Union.†

The prominent candidates for the presidency were John Adams of Massachusetts, and Thomas Jefferson of Virginia. The former, it was well understood, would mainly pursue the policy of Washington; and the latter would favor measures of a different character, in some points of important and general interest. Mr. Jefferson was considered partial in his feelings and views towards the French government, and Mr. Adams as more friendly to Great Britain than a citizen of the American republic ought to be. These

In March, 1797, he would be in his 67th year.

+ His conviction of the necessity of religion and morality will be perceived from the following extract. "Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, the firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with public and private felicity. Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligations desert [do not attend] the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice. And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of a peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle." The excesses and crimes of infidel France, at that period, not improbably suggested these most just and salutary remarks.

were the prevailing and popular opinions of the day; and however unjust they might be, they had an unhappy influence on the great body of the people. It cannot be doubted, however, that Mr. Jefferson was more disposed to conciliate the French rulers, or to adopt measures to gratify them, than many intelligent politicians deemed proper; or that Mr. Adams considered it highly important to avoid a war with England, and a close alliance with France, as was the wish of his opponents, when there was no stability in its government, and when successive revolutions were distracting and convulsing that nation.

While the presidential election was pending before the people, in the latter part of the year 1796, the French minister had the presumption to interfere, (and not very indirectly,) by publishing an address to the people of the United States, reminding them of their obligations to France; and strongly intimating that they ought to elect a chief magistrate who was known to be friendly to that nation, instead of one who was not disposed to favor it, while it was contending for the rights of man. Very improper reflections were made on the character of Washington and his measures; and a different political course, it was suggested, was necessary to preserve the friendship of the French government. The political friends of the administration condemned in strong terms such improper conduct; and to the honor of many of those in the opposition, at that time, this interference of the French minister was disapproved, as dangerous to the independence of the United States; and the influence which it was intended to produce was lost upon the people generally.

Congress met again the first Monday of December, 1796, as provided by the Constitution; and the address of the President on the occasion was highly characteristic of Washington, at once temperate, dignified, and firm. The speech fully proved his strong conviction that the course he had pursued was the most honorable and proper, and most conducive to the welfare and prosperity of the United States. The great and increasing opposition to his measures did not induce him to waver in the full expression of his political opinions and views, with regard either to the past or the present.

He referred to the restoration of tranquillity in the western parts of Pennsylvania, which had been the scene of forcible opposition to the laws, from great discontent of the act laying an excise on spirits of domestic manufacture; to the efforts made, and in some degree successful, for a more

humane and pacific system toward the Indian tribes within the territory of the United States; and gave a general statement of the measures which had been pursued in fulfilment of treaties with foreign nations.*

I

The speech referred more particularly to the conduct of the French government, in authorizing or suffering its ships of war to cause embarrassments and injuries to the commerce of the United States, especially in the West Indies; and expressed an apprehension that further difficulties might arise to the American trade and navigation. "It has been my constant, my sincere, and earnest desire," he said, "in conformity with that of the nation, to maintain cordial harmony, and a perfectly friendly understanding with this republic. This wish remains unabated; and Ĭ shall persevere in the endeavor to fulfil it to the utmost extent of what shall be consistent with a just and indispensable regard to the rights and honor of our country; nor will I easily cease to cherish the expectation, that a spirit of justice, candor, and friendship, on the part of that republic, will eventually ensure success. In pursuing this course, however, I cannot forget what is due to the character of our own government and nation; or to a full and entire confidence in the good sense, patriotism, self respect, and fortitude of my countrymen."

In this speech, the President recommended to the attention of Congress an increase of the navy, as necessary for the safety of the country, with so extensive a seacoast exposed to foreign powers, and as a protection to the commerce of the United States. Every member of the administration, at that time, was in favor of an increase of the naval establishment; and yet what appears to have been so important and essential, found dissentients in the party, which had then opposed the leading measures of government for five years. Mr. Adams, the Vice President, was decidedly and warmly in favor of such a measure; and General Knox, while Secretary at War, had expressed the same opinion with Mr. Adams.

The solicitude of President Washington for the adoption of some plan or measures for reducing the national debt was also expressed, in this his closing speech to Congress, by reiterating his admonitions on this subject. A work of magnitude had been performed, by the federal government,

It was

The treaty with Algiers had stipulated the payment of money, as a condition of their forbearance to depredate on the American commerce. the only method to negotiate with that nation, and to save the citizens of the United States from imprisonment and slavery.