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with his guide over to the President of this State; who placed them under the custody of his light-horse. This circumstance not only presages a fortunate issue to the mutiny, but is such a proof of attachment to the country in the most trying situation, as must effectually repress the joy and encouragement which the enemy had taken from this threatening event. The late detachment from New York, which a letter from Fredericksburg says is in the Chesapeake, is about one thousand six hundred strong, and commanded by Arnold.

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.

Philadelphia, January 16, 1781.

I was very glad at not being disappointed in my expectation of a favor from you by yesterday's post. Several reports, in quick succession, of the arrival and progress of the predatory band under Arnold, had rendered us exceedingly anxious to hear the truth and particulars of the matter. Some letters, by the post, tell us that the Governor and Baron Steuben were wholly engaged in removing and securing the arms and ammunition. If so, he was better employed than in writing to Congress on the subject, which, from his usual punctuality, was expected. The enterprise against Richmond, at this season, was certainly an audacious one, and strongly marks the character which directed it. Having been long sensible that the security of the country, as high up as tide-water reaches, has been owing more to the

ignorance and caution of the enemy than to its own strength or inaccessibleness, I was much less astonished at the news than many others. To those who are strangers to the sparse manner in which that country is settled, and the easy penetration afforded by its long, navigable rivers, the rapid and unopposed advances of the enemy appear unaccountable, and our national character suffers imputations which are by no means due to it.

Congress have yet received no official report of the result of the conciliatory measures taken with the revolted soldiers at Trenton. From oral and circumstantial evidence, there is no doubt that they have been successful. A discharge of a part from the service, and a supply of clothing and money to the rest, is the price of their submission. This much, considered in itself, was required by justice, and is, consequently, consistent with dignity. But, considered with respect to the circumstances attending the negotiation, there is but too much ground to suspect that it will be attributed to our fears, and is, therefore, not a little mortifying. Happily, the example, as we understand by a letter from General Washington received yesterday, had not infected the other parts of the army. As the same causes, however, which engendered this malignant humour in the Pennsylvania line, are known to exist in the other lines, we cannot be sure that the same effects will not yet take place in the latter, unless they be speedily removed. As one step towards it, Congress are endeavouring to profit by the alarm which this event must have excited in the States, by calling upon them for the means of immediately furnishing some pay to the troops of their respective lines.

You ask me what I think of the Delegate Extraordinary to Congress? I wish you had told me what you think of such an appointment. It is pretty certain, I believe, that people in general will not consider it as a proof of confidence in the ordinary delegation. As Mr. Jones, who, I believe, possesses the confidence of his country, and, I am sure, will have as much weight in Congress as any man that will be sent on such an occasion, will come about the same time, and, having attended the Legislature, will be as well informed in every point of view, I cannot deny that the appointment appears to me to be, at least, a supernumerary one. I wish the good effects of it may show that I am mistaken.

The trade of this city has just suffered a very severe blow. No less than seven fine vessels have been taken out of an outward bound fleet, and carried into New York.

The emissary from Clinton, and his guide, were executed on Saturday morning last.

COPY OF A PAPER IN THE HAND WRITING OF JOSEPH JONES, AMONG THE LETTERS TO HIM FROM MR. MADISON.

The paper is endorsed "Copy of a letter to Pendleton, Wythe, Jefferson," but it does not appear by whom the letter was written.* It is without date; but must have been drawn up just after the acccession of Maryland to the Articles of Confederation."

DEAR SIR,

Maryland having subscribed the Articles of Con

"Probably, General Washington" is noted on the paper in the hand writing of Mr. Madison.-Editor.

VOL. I.-6

federation, the alliance of the States is now complete, and, in future, Congress are to be governed by those rules. If the powers granted to the representative body of the States by these articles, are inadequate to the purposes of carrying on a vigorous war,-and of this all the States, from experience, are able to judge would it not be wise, while common danger presses us together, and the States see and feel the necessity of enlarging the powers of Congress, for the purposes of war, that the defects of the articles, in this respect, be timely considered and remedied? Danger may spring from delay; good will result from a timely application of a remedy. The present temper of the States is friendly to the establishment of a lasting union-the moment should be improved; if suffered to pass away it may never return; and, after gloriously and successfully contending against the usurpations of Britain, we may fall a prey to our own follies and disputes. I am aware of the danger of granting great powers, and of the reluctance of the States to yield them, and attribute the present disposition to give Congress more competent powers, to a conviction, from experience, that it is for the common good to do so. In the course of business, the defects of the Confederation will, no doubt, appear, and Congress will point them out to the States, and propose the necessary alterations for their concurrence. One, and of the first importance, hath already become a question, that is, the power of compelling the States to comply with the requisitions for men and money, agreeably to their respective quotas. The States appear to have yielded to Congress the right of ascertaining the sum neces

sary for the public expense, and oblige themselves to furnish their proportions agreeably to the mode prescribed; they also yield the right of fixing the quotas of men for the common defence, which shall be binding; but no mode is stated how a disobedient or delinquent State is to be compelled to furnish the one or the other, and for want of this controlling power in Congress over the States, when refractory, war cannot be prosecuted with vigor, and the safety of the whole is endangered, besides the hardship and injustice to those that comply, and the prolongation of the war by such delinquencies. If, in surrendering the right of fixing the proportions, the power of compelling obedience is implied, how, or by what mode, ought the refractory to be punished; by shutting the ports-by marching an armed force into the State-by deprivation of privileges, or in what other mode? These are nice and delicate questions, but are necessarily involved in the inquiry, and I mention them with freedom, in hopes you will as freely give me your sentiments upon them. I feel myself more particularly impelled to do this, not only from you, but a few others, of my acquaintance, of whose abilities and judgments I wish to avail myself upon this and similar occasions, because, by a resolution of our Legislature of the twenty-fourth of December, 1779, the point of enforcing obedience to requisitions seems to have been agitated and censured. It would give me concern should it be thought of me that I am desirous of enlarging the powers of Congress unnecessarily, as I declare to God, my only aim is the general good, and which, in time of does appear to me to be involved in the exer

war,

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