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former did not get to Princeton before Mr. Corbin had left it, nor did I get to this place till he was so near leaving it, that I had no opportunity of manifesting my respect for your recommendations otherwise than by verbal civilities to him. Yesterday's post brought me no letter from you. In answer to your comment in the preceding one on the reception of a Minister from the economical republic to which we are allied, it will suffice to inform you, that, in pursuance of a commission from him, six elegant horses are provided for his coach, as was to have been one of the best houses in the most fashionable part of the city. Wherever commerce prevails there will be an inequality of wealth; and wherever the latter does, a simplicity of manners must decline.

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Our foreign intelligence remains as at the date of my last. I forget whether I mentioned to you that our Ministers unanimously express surprise at the doubt started in America as to the epoch which terminated hostilities on our coast. They affirm, that one month from the date of the instrument was meant, and suppose that that exposition will not be contested. Pray can your researches inform me, first, whether prizes made by and from parties not subject to the power before whose maritime courts they are carried, are provisionally or finally tried?-secondly, how far the rules established by the Sovereign of the captor, and those by the Sovereign of the courts, prevail in such trials?— thirdly, what difference is made in cases where both the parties concerned in the capture are subject to the same power, and where they are subject to different powers?

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, October 13, 1783.

The past week has been spent by Congress in deliberating on-first, their permanent seat; secondly, their temporary one. The competition for the former lay between the falls of the Potomac and those of the Delaware. We hoped, at first, from the apparent views of the Eastern Delegates, that they would have given a preference to Potomac. In the event they joined with Pennsylvania and the intermediate States in favor of the Delaware. The consequence of which is, the vicinity of its falls is to become the future seat of the Federal Government, unless a conversion of some of the Eastern States can be effected. The next point was the abode of Congress until the permanent seat could receive them. The expediency of removing from Princeton, in order to the more convenient transaction of the affairs of the United States, and accommodation of Congress, was first determined on; Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island alone being opposed to it. Trenton was next proposed, on which question the votes were divided by the river Delaware. · Philadelphia came next in order. Besides its convenient position in relation to the permanent seat, and superior temporary accommodations for the public business and for Congress, arguments in its favor were drawn from the tendency of passing by these accommodations to others inferior in themselves, and more distant from the permanent seat, to denote a resentment unworthy of a sovereign author

ity against a part of its constituents which had fully expiated any offence which they might have committed, and at the same time to convert their penitential and affectionate temper into the bitterest hatred. To enforce this idea, some of the proceedings of Congress expressive of resentment against Philadelphia were made use of. Great stress also was laid on the tendency of removing to any small or distant place, to prevent or delay business which the honor and interest of the United States required should be despatched as soon as possible. On the other side, objections were drawn from those sources which have produced dislikes to Philadelphia, and which will be easily conjectured by you. On the question, New York, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, and and North Carolina, were aye; Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New Jersey, no; and Maryland and South Carolina, divided. If either of the divided States had been in the affirmative, it was the purpose of New Jersey to add a seventh vote in favor of Philadelphia. The division of South Carolina was owing to the absence of Mr. Rutledge and Mr. Izard, both of whom would have voted for Philadelphia. The State was represented by two members only. The division of Maryland, represented by Mr. Carroll and Mr. McHenry, was occasioned by the negative of the latter, whose zeal for Annapolis determined him to sacrifice every consideration to an experiment in its favor, before he would accede to the vote for Philadelphia. The aversion of the Eastern States was the ground of his coalition with them. The arguments in favor of Annapolis consisted of objections against Philadelphia. Those VOL. I.-37

against it were chiefly the same which had been urged in favor of Philadelphia. On the question the States were Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Delaware, Maryland, and North Carolina, aye; New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, no; South Carolina, divided. Virginia was represented by Mr. Lee, Mr. Mercer and Mr. Madison. The first was in the affirmative. Mr. Jones and Mr. Bland were in Philadelphia. The vote of the latter would have been in favor of Annapolis, of the former in favor of Philadelphia. The opinion of Mr. Lee and Mr. Bland in favor of Annapolis resulted from a dislike to Philadelphia, and the idea that the views of Virginia would be promoted by it. That of their colleagues, from a belief that the reasons drawn in favor of Philadelphia, from national considerations, required a concession of local views; and even that a recision of the permanent vote for Trenton in favor of Georgetown, the object of Virginia, would be promoted by placing the Eastern States in Philadelphia. They also supposed that the concurrence of the Eastern States in a temporary vote for Annapolis, to take effect some weeks hence, was little to be confided in, since the arrival of a colleague to the Delegate from New Hampshire would, with the accession of Pennsylvania, who would prefer Trenton to Annapolis, and be moreover stimulated by resentment, make up seven States to reverse the removal to Annapolis. Add to the whole, that experience has verified the opinion, that in any small place Congress are too dependent on courtesy and favor to be exempt, either in their purses or their sensibility, from degrading impositions. Upon the

whole, it is most probable that Philadelphia will be the abode of Congress during the winter. I must refer to Mr. Jones for explanations on all these points; he will be in Richmond early in the session. For myself, I have engaged to return to Princeton to attend some interesting points before Congress. Having not yet settled my arrangements for the winter, I must for the present be silent as to mysituation. Mr. Van Berkel arrived a few days since. Congress are in a charming situation to receive him, being in an obscure village, undetermined where they will spend the winter, and without a Minister of Foreign Affairs. After the receipt of this, you will stop your correspondence, and probably not hear further from me.

126

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Orange, December 10, 1783.

DEAR SIR,

My journey from Annapolis was so much retarded by rains, and their effect on the water courses, that I did not complete it till the ninth day after I left you. I took Col. Mason in my way, and had an evening's conversation with him. I found him much less opposed to the general impost than I expected Indeed he disclaimed all opposition to the measure itself, but had taken up a vague apprehension, that, if adopted at this crisis, it might embarrass the defence of our trade against British machinations. He seemed, upon the whole, to acquiesce in the territorial cession, but dwelt much on the expediency of

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