The opposition in the New England States to the grant of half-pay, instead of subsiding, has increased to such a degree as to produce almost a general anarchy. In what shape it will issue, is altogether uncertain. Those who are interested in the event look forward with very poignant apprehensions. Nothing but some Continental provision can obtain for them this part of their reward. Why did not the Assembly stop the sale of land warrants? They bring no profit to the public treasury, are a source of constant speculation on the ignorant, and will finally arm numbers of citizens of other States, and even foreigners, with claims and clamors against the faith of Virginia. Immense quantities have from time to time been vended in this place at immense profit, and in no small proportion to the subjects of our Ally. The credulity here being exhausted, I am told the land-jobbers are going on with their commodity to Boston and other places. DEAR SIR, TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Princeton, September 13, 1783. Our Ministers in Europe have made some amends for their long silence, by voluminous despatches brought down to the twenty-seventh of July. They were received yesterday by Congress. No definitive treaty had then been signed by any of the parties, though all had been ready except Holland and America. The former is said to have settled her difficulties. The American Ministers have been endeavouring to incorporate some important commercial stipulations, but in vain; and, in case of emergency, must come forward with the provisional articles to be signed as the definitive treaty. The conduct of Great Britain in the negotiation with America has shown great unsteadiness, if not insidiousness, on the subject of commerce; and the enclosed proclamation of the second of July is a proof that some experiment is intended on the wisdom, firmness, and union of the States, before they will enter into a treaty in derogation of her Navigation Act. Congress will probably recommend some defensive plan to the States. If it should meet with the fate of former recommendations, it will not probably be owing to Rhode Island, whose staple interest, more than that of any others, lies in carrying between the United States and the West Indies. If it fails at all, it will prove such an inefficacy in the Union as will extinguish all respect for it and reliance on it. DEAR SIR, TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Princeton, September 20, 1783. Your favor of the thirty-first ultimo came to hand yesterday. As the reason which chiefly urged my departure for Virginia has ceased, I have been led to protract my attendance on Congress by the interest I felt in some measures on foot, and the particular interest which my constituents have in them. Two of these were the territorial cession and the permanent seat of Congress. The former was a few days ago put in a form which I hope will meet the ultimatum of Virginia. The first Monday in next month is fixed for a decision of the latter; after which it may still be necessary to choose a temporary residence until the permanent one can be made ready. I am utterly unable to foretell how either of these points will be determined. It is not impossible that an effective vote may be found attainable on neither; in which case the winter must be spent in this village, where the public business can neither be conveniently done, the members of Congress be decently provided for, nor those connected with Congress provided for at all. I shall lose no time in looking out for quarters for you, and entering into provisional engagements in your favor. Our last information from Europe is dated the twenty-seventh of July. France and Spain were then ready for the definitive signing of the peace. Holland was on the point of being so. The American Plenipotentiaries had done nothing on the subject, and in case of emergency could only sign the provisional treaty as final. Their negotiations had been spent chiefly on commercial stipulations, from which Great Britain, after very different professions and appearances, altogether drew back. The ready admission she found into our commerce, without paying any price for it, has suggested the policy of aiming at the entire benefit of it, and at the same time securing the carriage of the West India trade, the price she at first bid for it. The supposed contra riety of interests among the States, and the impo tence of the Federal Government, are urged by the ministerial pamphleteers as as a safeguard against retaliation. The other nations of Europe seem to have more honorable views towards our commerce, sundry advances having been made to our Ministers on that subject. Congress have come to no decision even as yet on any of the great branches of the peace establishment. The military branch is supported and quickened by the presence of the Commander-in-Chief, but without any prospect of a hasty issue. The Department of Foreign Affairs, both internal and external, remains as it has long done. The election of a Secretary has been an order of the day for many months without a vote being taken. The importance of the Marine Department has been diminished by the sale of almost all the vessels belonging to the United States. The Department of Finance is an object of almost daily attack, and will be reduced to its crisis on the final resignation of Mr. Morris, which will take place in a few months. The War Office is connected with the military establishment, and will be regulated, I suppose, in conformity to what that may be. Among other subjects which divide Congress, their constitutional authority, touching such an establishment in time of peace, is one. Another still more puzzling is the precise jurisdiction proper for Congress within the limits of their permanent seat. As these points may possibly remain undecided till November, I mention them particularly that your aid may be prepared. The investigation of the mutiny ended in the condemnation of several sergeants, who were stimulated to the measure, without being apprized of the object, by the two officers who escaped. They have all received a pardon from Congress. The real plan and object of the mutiny lies in profound darkness. I have written this in hopes that it may get to Monticello before you leave it. It might have been made more interesting if I had brought the cypher from Philadelphia, though my present situation required a great effort to accomplish as much as I have. I am obliged to write in a position that scarcely admits the use of any of my limbs, Mr. Jones and myself being lodged in a room not ten feet square, and without a single accommodation for writing.1 TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Princeton, September 20, 1783. DEAR SIR, I have nothing to add to my last, on the subject of foreign affairs, further than that the Court of France has fixed on L'Orient as a free port for the United States. The Virginia cession underwent a decision of Congress a day or two after my last. The form which they have given it may be seen in the hands of the Executive. I sincerely hope it may meet the ultimatum of Virginia. 125 TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, September 30, 1783. DEAR SIR, Your favor introducing Mr. Corbin, and that by the last week's post, have both been received. The |
