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some of this class were so keen in their hostility, that a motion was made by two of them to return, who, on the question, voted against their own motion. The public will not, I believe, fix on this proceeding as one of the brightest pages of the Journals. The abuses to which such an artifice may be extended are palpable. The merit of it in this application belongs to Mr. Howell, of Rhode Island, and Mr. Read, of South Carolina. The motion was first

made by Mr. Read, but in the course of the transaction devolved on Mr. Howell. I know of none that will read with pleasure this affair, unless it be the Executive of Pennsylvania, and those who wish to refer the removal of Congress to other motives than the national dignity and welfare.

Congress have letters from Mr. Laurens, of the seventeenth of June, but they decide nothing as to the definitive treaty. We have no reason, however, to impute the delay to any cause which renders the event suspicious. It is said that the British councils grow more and more wary on the subject of a commercial treaty with the United States, and that the spirit of the navigation act is likely to prevail over a more liberal system.

South Carolina, we learn, has agreed to the impost, on condition only that the revenue be collected by her own officers, and be credited to her own quota. It is supposed that she will agree to exchange the valuation of land for the proposed rule of numbers. But on this point Rhode Island was more inflexible than on that of the impost. I pity, from my heart, the officers of the Eastern line, who

are threatened by these prospects with disappointments which the Southern officers have no idea of. From much conversation which I have lately had with some of the former, and from other information, there appears great reason to believe, that, if no continental provision be made for them, they will not only be docked of their half-pay, but will run great hazard of being put off with regard to a great share of their other pay, on the pretence of their States that they have already advanced beyond their proportion.122

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia. August 24, 1783.

DEAR SIR,

All that I have now to tell you is, that Sir Guy Carleton has notified to Congress his having received orders for the evacuation of New York, but he specifies no time fixed, either by the orders or by his own plans. He repeats his lamentations touching the Loyalists, and insinuates that the proceedings of the people against them are a proof that little or no government exists in the United States.

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Princeton, August 30, 1783.

We have nothing from Europe that can be depended on, relative to the definitive treaty, nor any

thing from New York as to the time it will be evacuated. A pamphlet has lately come over from Great Britain which appears to be well adapted to retard, if not prevent, a commercial treaty, and which is said to be much attended to. It urges an adherence to the principle of the Navigation Act, by which American vessels will be excluded from the trade between the separate parts of the Empire, and from all intercourse with the dependent territories. It undertakes to show, from an enumeration of the produce of the United States and the manufactures consumed by them, that those of Great Britain, recommended by the superior credit which her merchants can give, will be sufficiently sure of a preference in the American market. And, lastly, it maintains that the interests of the States are so opposite in matters of commerce, and the authority of Congress so feeble, that no defensive precautions need be feared on the part of the United States; and threatens, that, in case they should refuse to let British vessels exclusively carry on a commerce between the United States and the West Indies, as far as the interest of the Islands may require, the vessels of one State shall not be permitted to carry the produce of another to any British port. The whole tenor of the reasoning supposes that France will not permit vessels of the United States to trade with their Islands, in which there is good reason to believe they are not mistaken. The object of the French Administration is said to be, to allow a direct trade between the United States and their West India possessions, but to confine it to French bottoms.

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The Legislature of Pennsylvania have unanimously adopted the recommendations of Congress, both as to revenue and a change of the Federal rule for apportioning the common burdens. They will also present an invitation to Congress, we understand, to resume their sessions at Philadelphia, if that place be judged most fit for the despatch of public business, until a permanent seat be chosen and prepared; giving at the same time explicit assurances of support in case it should on any occasion be needed. What effect this conciliatory proposition may have on the temper of Congress is precarious. With some, the complaisance shown to the late recommendations of Congress will be far from softening the dislike. With others, Philadelphia will ever be obnoxious while it contains and respects an obnoxious character. Annapolis has seized the present occasion to forward her views with respect to Congress, and has courted their presence in the most flattering terms. During this contest among the rival seats, we are kept in the most awkward situation that can be imagined; and it is the more so as we every moment expect the Dutch Ambassador. We are crowded too much, either to be comfortable ourselves, or to carry on the public business with advantage. Mr. Jones and myself, on our arrival, were extremely put to it to get any quarters at all, and are at length put into one bed in a room not more than ten feet square.

123

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, September 8, 1783.

The delay of the definitive treaty, although not fully explained to Congress, excites less disquietude here than I find it does in Virginia. Our latest official advices were from Mr. Laurens, of the seventeenth of June. The conduct of the British administration was far from explicit, according to his state of it, but probably proceeded more from the discordant materials of which it is composed, and doubts as to the commercial footing on which America ought to be placed, than from any insidious views. Why, indeed, a commercial treaty should be made to clog the treaty of peace, is left to conjecture. Perhaps the fact may not be true, and the delay of the latter may be owing still to the old cause, to wit, a discussion of the intricate points with the Dutch. The situation of Great Britain is such, that nothing but some signal change in the aspect of things in this hemisphere can inspire a fresh disposition for war; notwithstanding the menacing tone of Sir Guy Carleton.

The Legislature of Pennsylvania have taken every possible step to expiate the default of the Executive, short of an impeachment of its members, which the rigor of some members of Congress included among the terms of reconciliation with the State. They have expressly invited Congress back, assured them of honorable protection, and given up the State-house with the appendages for their tem porary use. They have also made Germantown a competitor for the permanent abode of Congress. VOL. I.-36*

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