TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, August 5, 1783. DEAR SIR, answer. The gazette which I enclose will give you a sight of the Philadelphia address to Congress, and their Since I left Princeton last, I understand the question has been agitated relative to the return of Congress to this city, and a day fixed for its final discussion. There is little reason to suppose that it will be decided in the affirmative by the present composition and thinness of Congress. I rather suppose that no question will be taken when the probability of a negative is fully discovered; though it will be pushed by those who wish to multiply obstacles to a removal south of the Delaware. The arrival of the definitive treaty at New York, which my last represented as probable, has sunk into general disbelief. The most sanguine opinion goes no farther now than to the arrival of some preliminary intelligence and instructions touching it. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Philadelphia, August 11, 1783. DEAR SIR, The reserve of our foreign Ministers still leaves us the sport of misinformations concerning the definitive treaty. We all thought a little time ago that it had certainly arrived at New York. This opinion, however, has become extinct, and we are thrown back on the newspaper evidence, which, as usual, is full of contradictions. The probability seems to be, that the delay arises from discussions with the Dutch. Mr. Dana has been sorely disappointed in the event of his announcing himself to the Court of Russia. His written communications obtain verbal answers only, and these hold up the mediation to which the Empress, with the Emperor of Germany, has been invited, as a bar to any overt transaction with the United States; and even suggest the necessity of new powers from the latter, of a date subsequent to the acknowledgment of their sovereignty by Great Britain. Having not seen the letters from Mr. Dana myself, I give this idea of them at second hand; remarking, at the same time, that it has been taken from such passages only as were not in cypher; the latter being not yet translated. Congress remain at Princeton, utterly undecided, both as to their ultimate seat and their intermediate residence. Very little business of moment has been yet done at the new Metropolis, except a ratification of the treaty with Sweden. In particular, nothing has been done as to a foreign establishment. With regard to an internal peace establishment, though it has been treated with less inattention, it has undergone little discussion. The Commander-in-Chief has been invited to Princeton, with a view to obtain his advice and sanction to the military branches of it, and is every day expected there. The budget of Congress is likely to have the fate of many of their other propositions to the States. Delaware is the only one among those which have bestowed a consideration on it, that has acceded in toto. Several Legislatures have adjourned without giving even that mark of VOL. I.-36 their condescension. jealousy of congressional usurpations is likely to be the bane of the system; in the Eastern, an aversion to the half-pay provided for by it. New Jersey and Maryland have adopted the impost, the other funds recommended being passed for one year only by one of these States, and postponed by the other. Pennsylvania has hitherto been friendly to liberal and federal ideas; and will continue so, unless the late jar with Congress should give a wrong bias, of which there is some danger. Massachusetts has, in the election of Delegates for the ensuing year, stigmatized the concurrence of those now in place in the provision for half-pay, by substituting a new representation; and has sent a memorial to Congress, which, I am told, is pregnant with the most penurious ideas, not only on that subject, but on several others which concern the national honor and dignity. This picture of our affairs is not a flattering one; but we have been witnesses of so many cases in which evils and errors have been the parents of their own remedy, that we cannot but view it with consolations of hope." In the Southern States a 120 DEAR SIR, TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, August 12, 1783. Our late belief of the arrival of the definitive treaty at New York has become utterly extinct. From the tenor of the newspapers the delay seems to be the effect of discussions with the Dutch. The enclosed letter from our friend Hawkins provides for the article of Russian intelligence. I understand, from Mr. Mercer, who is here on business as well as myself, that Mr. Dana's despatches were, in part, undecyphered when Mr. Hawkins' transcript was made. The Legislature of Massachusetts have sent a memorial to Congress, wearing a very unpropitious aspect on the grant of half-pay to the army, and in other respects breathing a penurious spirit, which, if indulged, will be fatal to every establishment that requires expense. They profess great poverty, and have declined any decision on the revenue propositions of Congress. Rhode Island did not even bestow a consideration on them. Mr. Howell, from the latter State, after being informed of the course of Virginia, said that her backwardness very much emboldened the States that were disinclined to a general revenue. Congress have voted General Washington an elegant bronze statue. He has been invited to Princeton, as well to relieve him from the tedium which he suffers on the North River, as to make use of his counsel in digesting a peace establishment. FROM MR. HAWKINS TO MR. MADISON. Princeton, August 9, 1783. DEAR SIR, We have letters from Mr. Dana up to the fourteenth of April, O. S. He has communicated his mission to the Vice-Chancellor, Count Osterman, and instead of being received, after a second communication, as he expected, he upon invitation visited the Count, who made a verbal communication, in substance as follows: First. That Her Majesty could not, consistently with the character of a mediator, receive a Minister from the United States till the conclusion of the definitive treaty between France, Spain, and Great Britain. Secondly. That she could not even then do it, consistently with the laws of neutrality, while his letter of credence bore date prior to the acknowledgment of their independence by the King of Great Britain. Thirdly. That she could not do it regularly, while his letters of credence bore date before she herself had acknowledged their independence. Fourthly. That she could not do it consistently, before a Minister had been received from the United States in Great Britain." 121 BENJAMIN HAWKINS. TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, August 18, 1783. DEAR SIR, On Thursday, a question for returning to Philadelphia was put, and decided in the negative by a large majority. The friends of the measure, foreseeing its fate, and supposing that a negative declaration could answer no good purpose, and might an ill one, withdrew it. The more moderate opponents concurred in the inexpediency of proclaiming, unnecessarily, an aversion in Congress to Philadelphia. But |
