DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, July 15, 1783.

Yesterday's post brought me no letter from you. The contents of the enclosed paper make up every thing of consequence which I have for a subject at present. The inquiry into the mutiny has not advanced far enough to bring forth any discoveries. An address is circulating, and will be generally signed by the citizens, reciting to Congress the proofs they have heretofore given of attachment to the Federal Government, professing a continuance of that attachment, and declaring their readiness to support the dignity and privileges of Congress, in case the convenience of this place for transacting the public affairs should give it a preference to others, until a final residence shall be fixed.

DEAR SIR,

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Philadelphia, July 17, 1783.

The usual reserve of our Ministers has kept us in entire suspense since my last, with regard to the definitive treaty and every thing else in Europe. The only incident produced in this interval has been that which removed Congress from this city to Princeton. I have selected the newspaper which contains the Report of a committee on that subject, from which you will collect the material information. Soon after the removal of Congress the mutineers

surrendered their arms, and impeached some of their officers, the two principal of whom have escaped to sea. General Howe, with a detachment of Eastern troops, is here, and is instituting an inquiry into the whole plot, the object and scheme of which are, as yet, both involved in darkness. The citizens of this place seem to disavow the alleged indisposition to exert force against insults offered to Congress, and are uniting in an address rehearsing the proofs which they have given of attachment to the Federal authority, professing a continuance of that attachment, and declaring the utmost readiness, on every occasion, to support the dignity and privileges of Congress, if they should deem this place the fittest for transacting the public business until their permanent residence shall be fixed. What effect this

address, backed by the scanty accommodations of Princeton, will have on Congress, is uncertain. The prevailing disposition seemed to be that a return to their former residence, as soon as the way should be opened, would be prudent in order to prevent any inferences abroad of disaffection in the mass of so important a state to the revolution or the Federal Government. Others suppose that a freer choice among the seats offered to Congress could be made here, than in a place where the necessity of a speedy removal would give an undue advantage to the seat happening to be in greatest readiness to receive them. The advocates for Annapolis appear to be sensible of the force of this consideration, and probably will, if they can, detain Congress in Princeton until a final choice be made. New Jersey will probably be tempted to concur in the plan, by the

advantage expected from the actual possession. Other members are extremely averse to a return to Philadelphia, for various reasons.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, July 21, 1783.

DEAR SIR,

This will serve merely to prevent a chasm in my correspondence, having nothing whatever to make a subject of it. We hear nothing from our Ministers abroad. The Court Martial on the parties to the late mutiny have come to no decision as yet. The address from this city to Congress is, I believe, gone up, pretty generally signed; my next will probably communicate the result of it. Among other conciliatory steps, they have, by voluntary subscriptions, given a very splendid and cordial entertainment to the officers of the detachment under General Howe. The Legislature of Massachusetts have, in their election for the ensuing year, left out all their Delegates now in Congress, as a penalty for their concurrence in the provision lately adopted relative to half-pay.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, July 28, 1783.

DEAR SIR,

Yesterday's mail brought me no letter from you. The address from the citizens of Philadelphia came

before Congress on Thursday, and was referred to a committee of five members. The answer will probably be a very civil one, but will leave open the question touching the return of Congress. This question, if decided at all in the affirmative, must be preceded by despair of some of the competitors for the permanent residence, almost all of whom now make a common cause against Philadelphia. It is not improbable that, when the urgency of the scanty accommodations at Princeton comes to be more fully felt, with the difficulty of selecting a final seat among the numerous offers, New York, in case of its evacuation, may be brought into rivalship with Philadelphia for the temporary residence of Congress. My own opinion is, that it would be less eligible, as removing every thing connected with Congress, not only farther from the South, but farther from the centre, and making a removal to a Southern position finally more difficult than it would be from Philadelphia. Williamsburg seems to have a very slender chance, as far as I can discover. Annapolis, I apprehend, would have a greater number of advocates. But the best chance, both for Maryland and Virginia, will be to unite in offering a double jurisdiction on the Potomac. The only dangerous rival in that case will be a like offer from New Jersey and Pennsylvania on the Delaware; unless, indeed, Congress should be carried to New York before a final choice be made, in which case it would be difficult to get them out of that State.

In order to prepare the way to their permanent residence, Congress have appointed a committee to define the jurisdiction proper for them to be invested

with. Williamsburg has asked an explanation on this point. The nearer the subject is viewed, the less easy it is found to mark the just boundary between the authority of Congress and that of the State, on one side, and, on the other, between the former and the privileges of the inhabitants. May it not also be made a question, whether, in constitutional strictness, the gift of any State, without the concurrence of all the rest, can authorize Congress to exercise any power not delegated by the Confederation, as Congress, it would seem, are incompetent to every act not warranted by that instrument, or some other flowing from the same source? I wish you could spare a little attention to this subject, and transmit your ideas on it. Contrary to my intention, I shall be detained here several weeks yet, by a disappointment in some circumstances which must precede my setting out for Virginia.

There is considerable ground to believe that Carleton is possessed of the definitive treaty. He has lately sent Congress several depositions relative to forgeries of Mr. Morris's notes, the authors of which he has confined in New York, and has requested that persons may be sent in to attend the examination.

The Court Martial is still proceeding in the investigation of the mutiny, but have disclosed no result.