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permanent resource, and scarce even a momentary one left, but in the prompt and vigorous supplies of the States. The State of Pennsylvania has it in her power to give great relief in the present crisis, and a recent act of her legislature shows, they are determined to make the most of it. I understand they have invested the Executive with a dictatorial authority from which nothing but the lives of their citizens are exempted. I hope the good resulting from it will be such as to compensate for the risk of the precedent.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Philadelphia, June 23, 1780.

DEAR SIR,

The fact is confirmed that Clinton has returned to New York with part of the Southern army, and has joined Kniphausen. They are at present manœuvering for purposes not absolutely known, but most probably in order to draw General Washington to an action, in which they suppose he might be disabled from giving the necessary co-operation to the French armament. Could they succeed in drawing him from his strong position, the result indeed ought to be exceedingly feared. He is weak in numbers beyond all suspicion, and under as great apprehension from famine as from the enemy. Unless very speedy and extensive reinforcements are received from the Eastern States, which I believe are exerting themselves, the issue of the campaign must be equally disgraceful to our councils and disgustful to our allies. VOL. I.-4

Our

greatest hopes of being able to feed them are founded on a patriotic scheme of the opulent merchants of this city, who have already subscribed nearly £ and will very soon complete that sum, the immediate object of which is to procure and transport to the army rations, and three hundred hogsheads of rum. Congress, for the support of this bank, and for the security and indemnification of the subscribers, have pledged the faith of the United States, and agreed to deposit bills of exchange in Europe to the amount of £150,000 sterling, which are not, however, to be made use of, unless other means of discharging this debt should be inadequate.

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.

Philadelphia, September 12, 1780.

Congress have at length entered seriously on a plan for finally ratifying the Confederation. Convinced of the necessity of such a measure, to repress the hopes with which the probable issue of the campaign will inspire our enemy, as well as to give greater authority and vigor to our public councils, they have recommended, in the most pressing terms, to the States claiming unappropriated back lands, to cede a liberal portion of them for the general benefit. As these exclusive claims formed the only obstacle with Maryland, there is no doubt that a compliance with this recommendation will bring her into the Confederation. How far the States holding the back lands may be disposed to give them up, cannot be so

easily determined. From the sentiments of the most intelligent persons which have come to my knowledge, I own I am pretty sanguine that they will see the necessity of closing the Union, in too strong a light to oppose the only expedient that can accomplish it.

Another circumstance, that ought greatly to encourage us under disappointed expectations from the campaign, is the combination of the maritime powers in support of their neutral rights, and particularly the late insolent and provoking violation of those rights by the English ships at St. Martin's. It is not probable that the injured will be satisfied without reparations and acknowledgments which the pride of Britain will not submit to; and if she can once be embroiled in an altercation with so formidable a league, the result must necessarily be decisive in our favor. Indeed it is not to be supposed, after the amazing resources which have been seen in Great Britain, when not only deprived of, but opposed by, her ancient Colonies, and the success of the latter in resisting for so long a time the utmost exertion of these resources against her, that the maritime powers, who appear to be so jealous of their rights, will ever suffer an event to take place which must very soon expose them to be trampled on at the pleasure of Great Britain.

DEAR SIR,

TO JOSEPH JONES.

Philadelphia, September 19, 1780.

Yesterday was employed by Congress in discussing the resolutions you left with them.

The first and

second were passed after undergoing sundry alterations. The clause in the second for allowing the expense of maintaining civil government within the ceded territory, was struck out by the committee, and an attempt to get it re-inserted in the House was negatived. It was surmised, that so indefinite an expression might subject Congress to very exorbitant claims. With respect to Virginia, I believe that expense has not been so considerable as to be much worth insisting on. The principal expenses may properly be included under the military head. The consideration of the last resolution, annulling Indian purchases, was postponed, with an intention, I believe, of not resuming it. It is supposed by some to be unnecessary; by others, to be improper, as implying that without such previous assurance Congress would have a right to recognize private claims in a territory expressly given up to them for the common benefit. These motives prevailed, I am persuaded, with more than the real view of gratifying private interest at the public expense. The States may annex what conditions they please to their cessions, and by that means guard them against misapplication; or if they only annul all pretended purchases by their own laws before the cessions are made, Congress are sufficiently precluded, by their general assurance that they shall be applied to the common benefit, from admitting any private claims which are opposed to it.

The Vermont business has been two days under agitation and nothing done in it, except rejecting a proposition for postponing the determination of Congress till Commissioners should enquire into the titles

and boundaries of New Hampshire and New York. Congress have bound themselves so strongly by their own act to bring it to an issue at this time, and are pressed by New York so closely with this engagement, that it is not possible any longer to try evasive expedients. For my own part, if a final decision must take place, I am clearly of opinion that it ought to be made on principles that will effectually discountenance the erection of new Governments without the sanction of proper authority, and in a style marking a due firmness and decision in Congress.

TO JOSEPH JONES.

Philadelphia, October 17, 1780.

DEAR SIR,

The post having failed to arrive this week, I am deprived of the pleasure of acknowledging a line

from you.

Congress have at length been brought to a final consideration of the clause relating to Indian purchases, [by the land companies.] It was debated very fully and particularly, and was, in the result, lost by a division of the House. Under the first impression of the chagrin, I had determined to propose to my colleagues to state the whole matter to the Assembly, with all the circumstances and the reasonings of the opponents to the measure; but, on cooler reflection, I think it best to leave the fact in your hands, to be made use of as your prudence may suggest. I am the rather led to decline the first determination, because I am pretty confident, that,

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