the accounts between all of them and the United States, pre-requisites to which are, a valuation of the land, and a final discrimination of such parts of the separate expenditures of the States as ought to be transferred to the common mass, from such parts as ought, in justice, to fall on the particular States themselves. Some States, also, will contend, and it would seem neither against the principles of justice nor the spirit of the Confederation, for a retrospective abatement of their share of the past debt, according to their respective disabilities, from year to year, throughout the war. What will be the end of this complication of embarrassments, time only can disclose. But a greater embarrassment than any is still behind. The discontents and designs of the army are every day taking a more solemn form. It is now whispered, that they have not only resolved not to lay down their arms till justice shall be done them, but that, to prevent surprise, a public declaration will be made to that effect. It is added, and I fear with too much certainty, that the influence of General Washington is rapidly decreasing in the army, insomuch that it is even in contemplation to substitute some less scrupulous guardian of their interests.

There are a variety of rumors concerning peace, but none of them of sufficient authority to be particularized. The speech of the King of Great Britain to his Parliament, and the letter to the Lord Mayor of London from Secretary Townsend, as it is stated, are the only respectable evidence yet received. There are also rumors on the adverse side, which have still less the complexion of authenticity.

A quantity of clothing, on its passage through this State to the British prisoners of war, under a passport of General Washington, was lately seized and condemned, under a law of this State against the importation of British goods. After several fruitless experiments to prevail on the seizors to relinquish their appeal to the law, the Legislature have, I am told, cut the business short by declaring the law, as far as it interfered with the authority of the passport, to be unconstitutional and void, ab initio.

You will suffer me to renew my exhortations to an exchange of your office under the State for a seat in the Legislature. It depends much, in my opinion, on the measures which may be pursued by Congress and the several States within the ensuing period of six months, whether prosperity and tranquillity, or confusion and disunion, are to be the fruits of the Revolution. The seeds of the latter are so thickly sown, that nothing but the most enlightened and liberal policy will be able to stifle them. The Eastern States, particularly Massachusetts, conceive that, compared with the Southern, they are greatly in advance in the general account. A respectable Delegate from Massachusetts, a few days ago, being a little chafed by some expressions of Messrs. Lee and Mercer unfavorable to loan-office creditors, said, that if justice was not to be obtained through the general Confederacy, the sooner it was known the better, that some States might be forming other confederacies adequate to the purpose; adding, that some had suffered immensely from the want of a proportional compliance with demands for men and money by others. However erroneous these ideas may be,

do they not merit serious attention? Unless some amicable and adequate arrangements be speedily taken for adjusting all the subsisting accounts, and discharging the public engagements, a dissolution of the Union will be inevitable. Will not, in that event, the Southern States, which, at sea, will be opulent and weak, be an easy prey to the Eastern, which will be powerful and rapacious; and, particularly, if supposed claims of justice are on the side of the latter, will there not be a ready pretext for reprisals? The consequence of such a situation would probably be, that alliances would be sought, first by the weaker, and then by the stronger party, and this country be made subject to the wars and politics of Europe.105

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, March 4, 1783.

DEAR SIR,

The past week has not added a syllable of evidence to our preceding calculations of peace. The inferences from the suspense are various as the fancies and interests of those who make them. Your letter by last post, which came to hand the day after the usual time, adopts, I conceive, the most rational solution-namely, the difficulties and delays incident to so complicated a negotiation.

Provision for the public debt continues the wearisome topic of congressional discussion. Mercer declared that, although he deems the opponents of a general revenue right in principle, yet, as they had

no plan, and it was essential that something should be done, he should strike in with the other side.

A letter from General Knox is in town, which, I understand, places the temper and affairs of the army in a less alarming view than some preceding

accounts.

The resignation of the Superintendent of Finance, with his motives, are contained in the paper enclosed. It is, as you may well suppose, a subject of general and anxious conversation. Its effect on public credit will be fully anticipated by your knowledge of our affairs. Yesterday's mail brought me no letter from you.'

106

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, March 11, 1783.

DEAR SIR,

Another week has passed without affording the least relief from our suspense as to the progress of peace. At New York they are so much in the dark that their curiosity has recourse to the gleanings of the Philadelphia gazettes. The length of the negotiation may be explained, but the delay of all parties to notify its progress is really astonishing. Our last official information is nearly five months old, and that derived from the Royal speech upwards of three months.

The peremptory style and publication of Mr. Morris's letters have given offence to many without, and to some within, Congress. His enemies, of both VOL. I.-33

descriptions, are industrious in displaying their impropriety. I wish they had less handle for the purpose.

The plan before Congress for the arrangement of our affairs, is to ask from the States a power to levy, for a term not exceeding twenty-five years, the five per cent. impost, with an additional impost on salt, wine, spirituous liquors, sugar and teas; to recommend to them to establish and appropriate permanent revenues for a like term for the deficiency; the proceeds to be carried to their credit; the whole to be collected by persons amenable to Congress, but appointed by the States; to complete the territorial cessions; to enable Congress to make abatements in favor of suffering States; Congress, on their part, declaring that all reasonable military expenses separately incurred by the States without their sanction, either by sea or land, shall be part of the common mass; and proposing to the States a substitution of numbers in place of a valuation of land; - slaves to be equal to one freeman. The fate of this plan in Congress is uncertain, and still more so among the States. It makes a decent provision for the public debts, and seems to comprehend the most dangerous sources of future contests among ourselves. If the substance of it is rejected, and nothing better introduced in its place, I shall consider it as a melancholy proof that narrow and local views prevail over that liberal policy and those mutual concessions which our future tranquillity and present reputation call for.

Mr. Jefferson is still here, agitated, as you may suppose, with the suspense in which he is kept. He is anxious as myself for your going into the Legislature. Let me know your final determination on this point.