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valued. In all questions relative to this subject, the defect of information under which we lie makes it difficult for us to deduce the general interest from a just and fair comparison of particular interests. To supply in some degree this defect with regard to Virginia, I shall enclose to Mr. Ambler, for his answers, a number of queries, of which I herein add a copy for you. Some of the queries, indeed, have a greater reference to other subjects. If you can assist Mr. Ambler, or can enlarge the plan by other queries, I beg you to do it. If the sense of the leading members of the Assembly can be conveniently gathered, it might also be of use. A public consultation would violate the secrecy which is judged necessary to prevent a revival of speculation, and which led me to the use of the cypher on this occasion.

The Secretary of Foreign Affairs communicated to me, a few days ago, his determination speedily to resign his office. He asked me, in the course of conversation, whether I thought Mr. Jefferson would prefer the vacancy to his foreign appointment. I answered him in the negative. He then asked whether I supposed he would accept the commission of Jay at Madrid, in case the latter should prefer the Secretaryship of Foreign Affairs, and be appointed to it. I told him I could not answer that question, but doubted whether Congress would consent to part with the services of Mr. Jay as a negotiator of peace. I wish you would mention this conversation and acquaint me with the result. The want of a cypher with him will be an apology for omitting a direct communication. Through your

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hands, also, it may be accompanied with explanations, if requisite. I leave it to yourself to decide how far it may be worth while to feel the pulse of our friend McClurg with respect to the vacancy in question.

Mr. Marbois apprized me, two evenings ago, that a French frigate will sail from this port in about three weeks, and that it is probable Count Rochambeau and the Chevalier Chastellux will take their passage in her, rather than in the frigate in the Chesapeake. If the river should not be threatened with ice, the time of her sailing may possibly be procrastinated. Should this obstruction not take place before the middle of January, there will be some chance of another frigate at this port. These circumstances may be very interesting to Mr. Jefferson, and I beg you to give him the earliest notice of them. If I could suppose that these and other considerations could leave any uncertainty as to his coming hither in the first instance, I would press that point anew, being more and more convinced of its utility, not to say necessity, and finding that it is generally viewed in the same light.

The merits of the controversy are likely to be brought under trial of the court at Trenton, the agents of Connecticut having been foiled in every plea for an adjournment. But I do not hear that any progress is made from which the issue can be presumed.

The Legislature of this State has just published for consideration a bill subjecting to the penalties of treason all attempts for erecting an independent State within its charter limits. This circumstance,

with some votes which have been lately taken in Congress with reference to Vermont, leave no doubt that the policy of Pennsylvania will in future be reversed.

Your favor of the twenty-second ultimo, with the cypher enclosed, came by yesterday's post, but very unluckily without having been sealed. This omission lessens much my confidence in the cypher, although it seems scarcely possible for any advantage to have been taken, unless the letter lay longer out of your hands before the mail was closed, than the interval between the arrival here and its coming into my hands; to say nothing of the honor of the post-offices. I inquired of Mr. Hazard, without mentioning the fact, how far the regulations of the mail admitted of such frauds. His answer, although not absolutely conclusive, favors the purity of the cypher; and I shall venture to make use of it unless you recommend the contrary, or until you transmit a new one.

The paragraph which touches the subject of your return does not altogether please me. I disrelish exceedingly any idea of your resignation. I cannot perceive the necessity of such a step in any view, and I see a manifest inexpediency in putting it out of your power, throughout the present critical year, to lend your aid in any emergency whatever. hope you will soon relieve my anxiety on this subject.

I

On the article of news, I must again deal entirely in negatives; no arrivals from Europe, or the West Indies, affording any positive matter, and the domestic sources being equally deficient. There is, indeed,

a report that the October packet has arrived at New York, and a rumor that it authenticates the fall of Gibraltar.9

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, December 10, 1782.

The Assembly of Pennsylvania have, with much difficulty, been prevailed on to desist from a plan in which a part of the requisition of Congress, allotted for other uses, was to be appropriated to their citizen creditors of the United States. The consequences apprehended by Congress from such an example, and the probability that the plan will be renewed at the next meeting, unless some intermediate provision be made for the credit of the United States, have produced two Resolutions,-first, an instruction to the Superintendent of Finance, to represent to the States the pernicious tendency of such unconstitutional appropriations; secondly, a deputation of Mr. Osgood, Mr. Mifflin, and Mr. Nash, to enforce on Rhode Island the impost of five per cent. The latter resolution, besides its tendency to the immediate end proposed by the first, was called for by the general pressure of our necessities. Our official letter encloses these resolutions to the Executive, and hazards some very free and alarming remarks for the Legislature, directly pointing to a fuller compliance with the impost. I have added a private letter to the Governor, which is still more explicit and pointed on the subject. In the present situation of our affairs, we did not think less would justify us to ourselves or to our constituents."

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, December 17, 1782.

Since the appointment of the deputation to Rhode Island, Congress have received a copy of the refusal of the Legislature of that State to concur in the impost, with the reasons on which the refusal is grounded.

The reasons assigned are,-first, the inequality of the tax, which will bear hardest on the commercial States, and peculiarly hard on Rhode Island, which is the most commercial; secondly, the inexpediency of admitting, to a collection within the State of so large a tax, an officer unknown to the Constitution, and unaccountable to the authority of the State; thirdly, the danger to public liberty from such an accession of weight to the Federal Government. I give this recital from memory, and, therefore, only as the substance of the objections. They are in the hands of a committee, who will report such observations as they may deem a fit answer to them. The deputation has not yet set out, but probably will in the course of this week.

Vermont has been again on the tapis. Its only advocates were the Delegates of Rhode Island, who are charged with interested views in the case, and those of New Jersey, who are fettered by instructions from their constituents. I understand that a Mr. Tichner, one of the agents, formerly here, is arrived from Vermont, probably in consequence of a signal given of the revolution which is taking place VOL. I.-31*

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