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was the only rule that could be proper or satisfactory. He said he should adhere to these ideas in the face of the act of Virginia repealing her assent to the impost; that it was trifling with Congress to enable them to contract debts, and to withhold from them the means of fulfilling their contracts.

Mr. LEE said, he seconded the motion of Mr. RUTLEDGE, because he thought it most likely to succeed; that he was persuaded the States would not concur in the impost on trade without a limitation of time affixed to it. With such a limitation, and the right of collection, he thought Virginia, Rhode Island, and the other States, probably would concur. The objection of his colleague, Mr. BLAND, he conceived to be unfounded. No act of the States could be irrevocable, because, if so called, it might, notwithstanding, be repealed. But he thought there would be no danger of a repeal, observing that the national faith was all the security that was given in other countries, or that could be given. He was sensible that something was, of necessity, to be done in the present alarming crisis, and was willing to strike out the clause crediting the States for their respective collections of the revenue on trade, as it was supposed that it would impede the measure.

Mr. HAMILTON disliked every plan that made but partial provision for the public debts, as an inconsistent and dishonorable departure from the declaration made by Congress on that subject. He said the domestic creditors would take the alarm at any distinctions unfavorable to their claims; that they would withhold their influence from any such measures recommended by Congress; and that it must

be principally from their influence on their respective Legislatures, that success could be expected to any application from Congress for a general revenue.

THURSDAY, JANUARY 30TH.

The answer to the memorials from the Legislature of Pennsylvania was agreed to as it stands on the Journal, New Jersey alone dissenting.

In the course of its discussion, several expressions were struck out which seemed to reprehend the States for the deficiency of their contributions. In favor of these expressions it was urged that they were true, and ought to be held forth as the cause of the public difficulties, in justification of Congress. On the other side it was urged that Congress had, in many respects, been faulty as well as the States, particularly, in letting their finances become so disordered before they began to apply any remedy; and that if this were not the case, it would be more prudent to address to the States a picture of the public distresses and danger, than a satire on their faults; since the latter would only irritate them, whereas the former would tend to lead them into the measures supposed by Congress to be essential to the public interest.

The propriety of mentioning to the Legislature of Pennsylvania the expedient into which Congress had been driven, of drawing bills on Spain and Holland without previous warrant; the disappointment attending it, and the deductions ultimately ensuing VOL. I.-20*

from the aids destined to the United States by the Court of France, was also a subject of discussion. On one side, it was represented as a fact which, being dishonorable to Congress, ought not to be proclaimed by them, and that in the present case it could answer no purpose. On the other side, it was contended that it was already known to all the world; that, as a glaring proof of the public embarrassments, it would impress the Legislature with the danger of making those separate appropriations which would increase the embarrassments; and particularly would explain, in some degree, the cause of the discontinuance of the French interest due on the loan-office certificates.

Mr. RUTLEDGE, and some other members, having expressed less solicitude about satisfying or soothing the creditors within Pennsylvania, through the Legislature, than others thought ought to be felt by every one, Mr. WILSON, adverting to it with some warmth, declared that if such indifference should prevail, he was little anxious what became of the answer to the memorials. Pennsylvania, he was persuaded, would take her own measures without regard to those of Congress, and that she ought to do so. She was willing, he said, to sink or swim according to the common fate, but that she would not suffer herself, with a mill-stone of six millions* of the Continental debt about her neck, to go to the bottom alone.

*He supposed that sum due, by the United States, to citizens of Pennsylvania, for loans.

FRIDAY, JANUARY 31st.

The instruction to the Virginia Delegates from that State, relative to tobacco exported to New York, under passport from the Secretary of Congress, was referred to a committee. Mr. FITZSIMMONS moved, that the information received from said State of its inability to contribute more than towards the requisitions of Congress, should be also committed. Mr. BLAND saw no reason for such commitment. Mr. GORHAM was in favor of it. He thought such a resolution from Virginia was of the most serious import, especially if compared with her withdrawal of her assent to the impost. He said, with much earnestness, that if one State should be connived at in such defaults, others would think themselves entitled to a like indulgence. Massachusetts, he was sure, had a better title to it than Virginia. He said the former had expended immense sums in recruiting her line, which composed almost the whole Northern army; that one million two hundred thousand pounds (a dollar at six shillings) had been laid out; and that without this sum the army would have been disbanded.

Mr. FITZSIMNONS, abetting the animadversions on Virginia, took notice that of dollars required

by Congress from her for the year 1782, she had paid the paltry sum of thirty-five thousand dollars, and was, notwithstanding, endeavouring to play off from further contributions. The commitment took place without opposition.

The sub-committee, consisting of Mr. MADISON, Mr.

CARROLL and Mr. WILSON, had this morning a conference with the Superintendent of Finance, on the best mode of estimating the value of land throughout the United States. The Superintendent was no less puzzled on the subject than the Committee had been. He thought some essay ought to be made for executing the Confederation, if it should be practicable; and if not, to let the impracticability appear to the States. He concurred with the sub-committee, also, in opinion, that it would be improper to refer the valuation to the States, as mutual suspicions of partiality, if not a real partiality, would render the result a source of discontent; and that even if Congress should expressly reserve to themselves a right of revising and rejecting it, such a right could not be exercised without giving extreme offence to the suspected party. To guard against these difficulties it was finally agreed, and the subcommittee accordingly reported to the Grand Committee

"That it is expedient to require of the several States a return of all surveyed and granted land within each of them; and that, in such returns, the land be distinguished into occupied and unoccupied.

"That it also was expedient to appoint one Commissioner for each State, who should be empowered to proceed, without loss of time, into the several States, and to estimate the value of the lands therein according to the returns above mentioned, and to such instructions as should, from time to time, be given him for that purpose."

This report was hurried in to the Grand Committee for two reasons; first, it was found that Mr. RUT

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