which their Constitution would not admit of, and expressed an earnest desire that some accommodating plan might be hit upon. They proposed, in order to induce the seizors to waive their appeal to the law of the State, that Congress would allow them to appoint one of two persons who should have authority to examine into the supplies, and decide whether they comprehended any articles that were not warranted by the passport. The Committee of Congress answered, that whatever obstacles might lie in the way of redress by the Legislature, if no redress proceeded from them, equal difficulties would lie on the other side; since Congress, in case of a confiscation of the supplies under the law, which the omission of some formalities required by it would probably produce, would be obliged, by honor and good faith, to indemnify the enemy for their loss out of the common treasury; that the other States would probably demand a reimbursement to the United States from Pennsylvania, and that it was impossible to say to what extremity the affair might be carried. They observed to the Committee of the Legislature and Executive, that although Congress was disposed to make all allowances, and particularly in the case of a law passed for a purpose recommended by themselves, yet they could not condescend to any expedient which, in any manner, departed from the respect which they owed to themselves and to the Articles of union. The Committee of Congress, however, suggested that, as the only expedient which would get rid of the clashing of the power of Congress and the law of the State, would be the dissuading the seizors from their appeal to the latter, it was probable that

if the seizors would apply to Congress for redress, such steps would be taken as would be satisfactory. The hint was embraced, and both the Executive and the Committee of the Legislature promised to use their influence with the persons of most influence among the seizors for that purpose. In consequence thereof a memorial from John Hannum, Persifor Frazer, and Joseph Gardner, was sent in to Congress, committed to the same Committee of Congress, and their Report of this day agreed to, in which the President of Pennsylvania is requested to appoint one of the referees. It is proper to observe that this business was conducted with great temper and harmony; and that President Dickinson, in particular, manifested, throughout the course of it, as great a desire to save the rights and dignity of Congress as those of the State over which he presided. As a few of the seizors only were parties to the memorial to Congress, it is still uncertain whether others may not adhere to their claims under the law, in which case all the embarrassments will be revived.

In a late report, which had been drawn up by Mr. HAMILTON, and made to Congress, in answer to a memorial from the Legislature of Pennsylvania, among other things showing the impossibility Congress had been under of paying their creditors, it was observed, that the aid afforded by the Court of France had been appropriated by that Court, at the time, to the immediate use of the army. This clause was objected to as unnecessary, and as dishonorable to Congress. The fact also was controverted. Mr. HAMILTON and Mr. FITZSIMMONS justified the expediency of retaining it, in order to justify ConVOL. I.--18

gress the more completely in failing in their engagements to the public creditors. Mr. WILSON and Mr. MADISON proposed to strike out the words "appropriated by France," and substitute the words "applied by Congress to the immediate and necessary support of the army." This proposition would have been readily approved, had it not appeared, on examination, that in one or two small instances, and particularly in the payment of the balance due to Arthur Lee, Esquire, other applications had been made of the aid in question. The Report was finally recommitted.

A letter from the Superintendent of Finance was received and read, acquainting Congress that as the danger from the enemy, which led him into the Department, was disappearing, and he saw little prospect of provision being made, without which injustice would take place, of which he would never be the minister, he proposed not to serve longer than May next, unless proper provision should be made. This letter made a deep and solemn impression on Congress. It was considéred as the effect of despondence in Mr. Morris of seeing justice done to the public creditors, or the public finances placed on an honorable establishment; as a source of fresh hopes to the enemy when known; as ruinous both to domestic and foreign credit; and as producing a vacancy which none knew how to fill, and which no fit man would venture to accept. Mr. GORHAM, after observing that the administration of Mr. Morris had inspired great confidence and expectation in his State, and expressing his extreme regret at the event, moved that the letter should be committed. This was opposed, as unnecessary and nugatory, by

Mr. WILSON, Since the known firmness of Mr. Morris, after deliberately taking a step, would render all attempts to dissuade him fruitless; and that, as the memorial from the army had brought the subject of funds before Congress, there was no other object for a committee. The motion to commit was disagreed to. Mr. WILSON then moved that a day might be assigned for the consideration of the letter. Against the propriety of this it was observed, by Mr. MADISON, that the same reasons which opposed a commitment opposed the assignment of any day. Since Congress could not, however anxious their wishes or alarming their apprehensions might be, condescend to solicit Mr. Morris, even if there were a chance of its being successful; and since it would be equally improper for Congress, however cogent a motive it might add in the mind of every member to struggle for substantial funds, to let such a consideration appear in their public acts on that subject. The motion of Mr. WILSON was not passed. Congress, supposing that a knowledge of Mr. Morris's intentions would anticipate the ills likely to attend his actual resignation, ordered his letter to be kept secret."

Nothing being said to-day as to the mode of insertion of the treaty and convention with the States General, the Secretary proceeded in retaining both columns.

In consequence of the report to the Grand Committee on the memorial from the army, by the subcommittee, the following report* was made by the former to Congress, and came under consideration to-day.

* Drawn by Col. HAMILTON.

The Grand Committee having considered the contents of the memorial presented by the army, find that they comprehend five different articles.

First. Present pay.

Second. A settlement of accounts of the arrearages of pay, and security for what is due.

Third. A commutation of the half-pay allowed by different resolutions of Congress for an equivalent

in gross.

Fourth. A settlement of the accounts of deficiencies of rations and compensation.

Fifth. A settlement of accounts of deficiencies of clothing and compensation.

The Committee are of opinion, with respect to the first, that the Superintendent of Finance be directed, conformably to measures already taken for that purpose, as soon as the state of the public finances will permit, to make such payment, and in such manner as he shall think proper, till the further order of Congress.

With respect to the second article, so far as relates to the settlement of accounts, that the several States be called upon to complete the settlement, without delay, with their respective lines of the army up to the day of August, 1780; that the Superintendent be also directed to take such measures as shall appear to him most proper and effectual for accomplishing the object in the most equitable and satisfactory manner, having regard to former resolutions of Congress, and the settlements made in consequence thereof. And so far as relates to the providing of security for what shall be found due on such settlement: Resolved, that the troops of the