the jura summi imperii or rights of sovereignty resisted.

Do these elements belong to any State of this republic? Sovereignty has the right to declare war. Can New Jersey declare war? It has the right to conclude peace. Can New Jersey conclude peace? Sovereignty has the right to coin money. If the Legislature of New Jersey should authorize and command one of its citizens to coin a half dollar, that man if he made it, though it should be of solid silver, would be locked up in a felon's cell for the crime of counterfeiting the coin of the real sovereign. A sovereign has the right to make treaties with foreign nations. Has New Jersey the right to make treaties? Sovereignty is clothed with the right to regulate commerce with foreign States. New Jersey has no such right. Sovereignty has the right to put ships in commission upon the high seas. Should a ship set sail under the authority of New Jersey it would be seized as a smuggler, forfeited and sold. Sovereign ty has a flag. But, thank God, New Jersey has no flag; Ohio has no flag. No loyal State fights under the lone star,' the 'rattlesnake,' or the 'palmetto tree.' No loyal State of this union has any flag but the banner of beauty and glory,' the flag of the union.

These are the indispensable elements of sovereignty. New Jersey has not one of them. The term cannot be applied to the separate States, only in a very limited and restricted sense, referring mainly to municipal and police re ulations. The ri hts of the

States should be jealously guarded and defended. But to claim that sovereignty, in its full sense and meaning, belongs to the States, is nothing better than rankest treason. Look again at this document of the governor of New Jersey. He tells you that the States entered into the 'national compact.' National compact! I had supposed that no governor of a loyal State would parade this dogma of nullification and secession, which was killed and buried by Webster on the 16th of February, 1833. There was no such thing as a sovereign State making a compact called a constitution. The very language of the constitution is decisive: 'We, the people of the United States, do ordain and establish this constitution.' The States did not make a compact to be broken when any one pleased, but the people ordained and established the constitution of a sovereign republic; and woe be to any corporation or State that raises its hand against the majesty and power of this great nation."

This proclamation closes with a determination to resist this legislation of Congress. This itself is another reason why I ask this Congress to exercise its right to rebuke this resurrected spirit of nullification. The gentleman from Pennsylviania (Mr. Broomall) tells us that New Jersey is a loyal State, and her citizens are in the army. I am proud of all the citizens of New Jersey who are fighting in our army. They are not fighting for New Jersey, but for the union; and when it is once restored, I do not believe these men will fight for the Camden and Amboy

monopoly. Their hearts have been enlarged, and there are patriotic men in New Jersey in the army and at home, who are groaning under this tyrannical monopoly, and they come up here and ask to strike off the shackles that bind them; and I hold it to be right and duty of this body to strike off their fetters, let them go free.

CHAPTER XVI

EULOGIES OF NOTED MEN.

TO ABRAHAM LINCOLN. THE ANNIVERSARY OF MR. LINCOLN'S DEATH. THE CAUSE OF THE ASSASSINATION. - THE EFFECT OF HIS DEATH. A BEAUTIFUL TRIBUTE. ORATION ON CARPENTER'S PAINTING. -SIGNING THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION.ITS PLACE IN HISTORY.-JOHN WINTHROP AND SAMUEL ADAMS. THE GIFT OF MASSACHUSETTS.-GENERAL GARFIELD'S TRIBUTE TO NEW ENGLAND. THE LESSON OF SELF-RESTRAINT, — REMARKS UPON THE DEATH OF SENATOR MORTON.

On the first anniversary of the death of Abraham Lincoln, and during General Garfield's third year of service in the House of Representatives, Congress adjourned for the day as a mark of respect for the martyr President's memory. General Garfield was selected to make the motion to adjourn, and in so doing, was selected to make a short address. It was one of the most cultured, thoughtful and appropriate addresses to be found in the vast collection of patriotic speeches, which remain to this generation from the days of war and reconstruction.

"I desire" said he, "to move that this House do now adjourn. And before the vote upon that motion is taken I desire to say a few words. This day, Mr. Speaker, will be sadly memorable so long as this nation shall endure, which God grant may be 'till

the last syllable of recorded time,' when the volume of human history shall be sealed up and delivered to the omnipotent Judge. In all future time, on the recurrence of this day, I doubt not that the citizens of this republic will meet in solemn assembly to reflect on the life and character of Abraham Lincoln, and the awful tragic event of April 14, 1865, -an event unparalleled in the history of nations, certainly unparalleled in our own. It is eminently proper that this House should this day place upon its records a memorial of that event. The last five years have been marked by wonderful developments of individual character. Thousands of our people, before unknown to fame, have taken their places in history, crowned with immortal honors. In thousands of humble homes are dwelling heroes and patriots whose names shall never die. But greatest among all these great developments were the character and fame of Abraham Lincoln whose loss the nation still deplores. His character is aptly described in the words of England's great laureate-written thirty years ago --in which he traces the upward steps of

some

6 Divinely gifted man,

Whose life in low estate began,
And on a simple village green;

'Who breaks his birth's invidious bar,

And grasps the skirts of happy chance,
And breasts the blow of circumstance,
And grapples with his evil star;

'Who makes by force his merit known,

And lives to clutch the golden keys,