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said, that instead of being punished as rebels, they received pay. Mr. Fox's amendment was rejected by 192 to 64.

In the lords the contest was no less violent and acrimonious; the peers in opposition contending that the Americans were falsely considered as rebels; for having been forced to take up arms in defence of their property, their resistance to acts of oppression was justifiable in every moral sense. These sentiments were reprobated by lords Lyttleton and Denbigh, as greatly overstepping the license of debate, and affording a precedent to justify treason. During the progress of the bill several amendments were made. On the last reading, lord Mansfield defended it, and at the same time vindicated the conduct of the government towards the Americans: he had always thought they were as much bound to obey acts of the British parliament, as the inhabitants of Middlesex; and proceeded to show, that since the peace of 1763 the northern provinces had been meditating independence: but allowing that all their professions of allegiance were genuine, that they had been led into this rebellion by a few factious persons, and that every measure hitherto taken by us to enforce submission was cruel or unjust; admitting all this to be true, was Great Britain to rest inactive till America thought proper to begin the attack ? ، We are now, said his lordship, in such a situation, that we must either fight or be pursued ;' and he illustrated his position by the anecdote of a Swedish general, under Gustavus Adolphus, who pointing to an advancing enemy, thus addressed his troops : My lads, you see those men; if you don't kill them, they will kill you. He then went through the resources of the Americans, and their aggressive acts against this country; asking if we were to stand idle till they brought their arms to our very doors; and declaring that the consequences which must ensue from our inactivity or concession would be worse than any we had to dread from pursuing the present plan, or agreeing to a final separation. The bill passed without a division: but the efforts of opposition had been so incessant, (though the declining health of lord Chatham relieved ministers from the attacks of his impetuous eloquence) and the affairs of America were beginning to assume so perplexing an aspect, and misgivings among some of our mercantile bodies so evidently to appear, that it is well known the ministerial phalanx began to waver, hesitating between false shame which opposes the abandonment of projects precipitately embraced, and un

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pleasant forebodings of ultimate failure.10 Fear, lest the cause of their transatlantic brethren might gain popularity with the British people, induced them to look abroad for support; and treaties were concluded for a supply of troops with the duke of Brunswick and other petty despots of Germany, who traded in the blood of their subjects, and let out their persons to be slaughtered at a fixed price: and thus his majesty was afterwards enabled to purchase 16,000 mercenaries to put down disaffection in America. The empress of Russia, whose aid was expected, and in some degree promised, would not permit her troops to be so disgraced; though she still continued on amicable terms with Britain, and cajoled our politicians with intimations of future assistance.

10 Mr. Gibbon says, in a letter written during the recess, January 18th, 1776, I think our meeting will be lively; a spirited opposition, and a desponding majority. The higher people are placed, the more gloomy are their countenances, and the more melancholy their language. You may call this cowardice; but I fear it arises from their knowlege of the difficulty and magnitude of the business.'

CHAP. XVII.

GEORGE III. (CONTINUED.)—1776.

Affairs of the Irish parliament-Motion of Mr. T. Townshend regarding the lord lieutenant's message-Debates on it-Mr. Fox's motion to inquire into the ill success of his majesty's arms in America-Copies of the treaties with German potentates for troops laid before the house-Debates thereon-Duke of Grafton's motion for an address to his majesty—Mr. Hartley's in the commons-Mr. Sawbridge's motion-Motion for a militia in Scotland rejected-Mr. Wilkes's project of parliamentary reform-Duchess of Kingston's trial-Unseasonable motions by general Conway and Mr. Hartley-Supplies, &c.-Prorogation of parliament-King's speech-Sentiments of foreign powersFavorers of the American cause in England-Dr. Price's publication-Dr. Johnson's Taxation no Tyranny'-Alderman Wilkes's philippic against the corporation of London-Domestic events-Retirement of Garrick from the stage-State of the British and Americans at Boston-Difficulties of Washington's situation-Fortification of Dorchester heights-Evacuation of Boston by the British-Important advantages resulting from it to the insurgents-Mission of Indian chiefs - Affairs of Canada-Franklin's letter to M. Dumas-Arnold's unsuccessful attack on Quebec-Retreat of the Americans-Affair of captain Forster, and bad conduct of the Americans-Vigorous measures taken by general Carleton to expel them from his provinceFailure of an attack on the British by general ThompsonArnold's retreat to Crown Point, and command of lake Champlain-Pursued by the British under general Carleton-Preparation of a flotilla by this latter officer-Naval operations on the lake-Arnold defeated, and Crown Point abandoned-Affairs in the southern states-Operations of general Clinton and Sir Peter Parker-Attempted conquest of Charlestown-Attack on Sullivan's Island, which fails-Expedition under general Howe and admiral lord Howe against New York-Manifesto of congress to prepare the public mind for independence-Thomas Paine's pamphlet, &c.—Question of independence proposed and carried in the congress- - Declaration published-Lord Howe's declaration-His address to Washington, and correspondence with Franklin--Defeat of the Americans on Long Island-Their retreat to New York-General Sullivan's mission to congress-Conference on Staten Island-Diplomatic agency of the United States-Views of France-First measures in 1775 for the organisation of American diplomacy - Dr. Franklin, Arthur Lee, and M. Dumas - M. de Beaumarchais - Silas Deane's mission to France-Three commissioners sent in 1776—

Mr. Lee's mission to Spain-Proceedings of the commissioners in France-British attack and capture of New York-Washington's retreat-Action at White Plains-Capture of fort Washington-Washington retreats behind the Delaware-Capture of general Lee-Acts of the congress-State of the American army Washington recrosses the Delaware His brilliant success at Trenton and Princeton-His winter campaign in the Jerseys-Meeting of the British parliament-King's speechAddress and debates thereon-Lord John Cavendish's motion for revising the acts of which the colonists complained-Secession of a party of opposition members from parliament-Ropeyard at Portsmouth burnt by John the painter-Projected expedition for the discovery of a north-west passage.

WHEN parliament met after the Christmas recess the first important measure related to Ireland. In that country, as we have seen, a considerable change had taken place regarding the form by which its government was administered; and this had been effected by a profuse expenditure. During the administration of lord Townshend, £500,000 was lavished in reducing the power of the oligarchy through the corruption of parliament; and by the extravagance of parliament in granting premiums and bounties, united with that of the viceroy in procuring adherents for government, a redundancy of about £500,000 was within twenty-three years converted into a debt of nearly £1,000,000. When the country was so deeply embarrassed, the public revenue became insufficient for the exditure, and the government was reduced to the ruinous expedient of successive loans." It was not to be expected but that Ireland would share in the sensations excited by the American contest, from the state of its finances, and the disposition of its people: during the government of lord Harcourt, strong parties were formed, and accounts were frequently transmitted of the defection and migration both of laborers and manufacturers: but for the last few years no important transaction had occurred; and when lord North brought in his bill for restraining the commerce of New England, among other measures taken to counterbalance the inconveniences that might ensue, he granted bounties to Irish ships engaged in the fisheries of Newfoundland and Greenland; and removed some restraints, which in other respects affected the Irish commerce: as the American contest however advanced, the parliament and the citizens of Dublin began again to harass government with cabals and

remonstrances.

11 Miller's History philosophically illustrated, vol. iv.

p. 466.

On the tenth of October, 1775, the lord-lieutenant met the two houses; when, after recapitulating the benefits lately derived from the liberality of the British government, he reprobated the rebellious spirit of the colonists, and recommended attention to the discharge of arrears. A money bill was transmitted to England; but, having been altered in council, was on its return rejected; which prevented an immediate supply. On the twenty-third of November, lord Harcourt sent a message to the commons, requiring, in his majesty's name, 4000 troops for the American service, to be taken into British pay; and offering, if it were the desire of parliament, to replace them by continental auxiliaries. The house with reluctance consented to this diminution of their national force; but, leaving the ministerial party in a minority, refused to admit the foreign substitutes: opposition, however, unsuccessfully attempted to obtain an act for embodying the militia.

As the message proposing the employment of Irish troops obviously meant that they were to be paid by Britain, which was nothing less than an engagement by the crown to dispose of public money without the consent of the commons, Mr. Thomas Townshend moved, on the fifteenth of February, that the lord-lieutenant's message was a breach of privilege. The arguments by which he supported his motion, were drawn from the principles and practice of the constitution concerning pecuniary grants, and the designs which such attempts to counteract them displayed: he also commented on the folly of taking 8000 men into pay when 4000 only were required. The debate was animated; nor did the ministerial speakers all take the same ground: some contended, that the Irish speaker had mistaken the viceroy's message, which only meant that his majesty would pay the 4000 foreigners; others, that when the Irish establishment was increased, the king had engaged to maintain 12,000 troops in that kingdom, except in case of invasion or rebellion in England; and the present demand not being within those exceptions, it was necessary that his majesty should be absolved from his promise: an application to the English house of commons would have been a violation of that promise.

On the other side, it was said, that the message was an experiment, made to establish a pernicious precedent: that it was the aim of government to habituate both countries to certain notions, which might destroy the independence of parliament in each. The scheme had a tendency to invest the crown with a power of taxing both countries: in Ireland, the

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