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vIn the Senate, Wednesday, May 26th, 1852, on the Mr. SUMTNEB. I have no-suoh purpose. lesentation ofia membrlal against the Fugitive Slave giggfivgggiioggft 82382:}??“(1' , 1111 “1° fonowmg Passage “curmd ' Mr. SUMNER. I observed that this memorial was Mr. SUMNER. I hold in my hand, and desire to ‘ commended by the character of the religious associa: presuit, a memorial from the representatives of the Yum from which it Proceeds, It is commended, also, Society of Friends in New England, formally adopted by its earnest and persuasive tone, and b the prayer at a public meeting, and authenticated by their clerk, \ which it presents. Ofi'cring it, now, sir, {desire 51m. in which they ask for the repeal of the Fugitive ply to say, that I shall deem it my duty, on some Slave Bill. After setting forth their sentiments 0n ‘ proper occasion hereafter, to express myself at length > the enerel subject of slavery. the memorielists pro \ on the matter to which it relates. Thus far, during r cee as follows: this session, I have forborne. With the exception of

“We, therefore, respectfully, but earnestly and sin- an able speech ffom m7 conea-S‘w‘ [MP DAVISJ the discussion of this all-absorbing question has been

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the charm of the memori lists—a usage which I

an observe n this floor constantly—to state the , _

course I shoul pursue, and then commas with a re nested to consider the expediency of reporting a. bill for the immediate repeal of the act of Congress,

motion for a refe cc, r The PRESIDEi , The Chair win hem. the Sonw approved §epternber 18, 1850, usually known as the C tor, if such is the p sure of the Senate, if he does Fugmm bin" AM“ '

In pursuance of this notice, on the next day, during

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the morning hour, an attempt was made to call it

up.

Mr. SUMNER, Mr. President, I now ask permission of the'Senate to take up the resolution which I offered yesterday. For that purpose, I move that the prior orders be postponed, and upon this motion I desire to saya word. In asking the Senate to take up this resolution for consideration, I say nothing of its merits nor of the arguments by which it may be maintained; nor do I at this stage anticipate any objections to it on these grounds. All this will properly belong to the discussion of the resolution itself—the main question—when it is actually before the Senate. The single question now is, not the resolution, but whether I shall be heard upon it. As a Senator, under the responsibilities of my position, I have deemed it my duty to offer this resolution. I may seem to have postponed this duty to an inconvenient period of the session; but had I attempted it at an earlier day. I might have exposed myself to a charge of a difi'erent character. It might then have been said that, a new-comer and inexperienced in this scene, without deliberation. hastily, rashly, recklessly, I pushed this question before the country. This is not the case now. I have taken time, and in the exercise of my most careful discretion now ask for it the attention of the Senate. I shrink from any appeal founded on a trivial personal consideration; but should I be blamed for any delay latterly, I may add, that though in my seat daily, my bodily health for some time past, down to this very week, has not been equal to the service I have undertaken. I am not sure that it is now; but I desire to try. And new again I say the question is simply whether I shall be heard. In allowing me this privilege—.this right, I might say~you do not commit yourse ves in any way to the principle of the resolution ; but you

{merely follow the ordinary usage of the Senate, and yield to-a brother Senator the opportunity which he craves, in the practical discharge of his duty, to express convictions dear to his heart, and dear to large numbers of his constituents. For the sake of these constituents, for my own sake.-I now desire to be heard. Make such disposition of my resolution afterward ns to you shall seem best; visit upon me any any degree of criticism, censure, or displeasure, but do not deprive me ofa hearing. “ Strike, but hear.”

A debate ensued, in which Messrs. Mason, Brooke, Charlton, Shields, Gwin, Douglas, Butler, and Borland, took part. Objections to taking up the resolution were pressed on the ground of “want of time,” “ the lateness of the session,” and “danger to the Union."

The question being then taken upon the motion by Mr. Sumnna,,to take up his resolution, it was rejeeted—yeas 10, nays 32—as follow:

YEAS—MCSSI'S. Clarke, Davis, Dodge of Wisconsin, Foot, Hamlin, Seward, Shields, Sumner, Upham, and Wade—10.

Nays—Messrs. Borland, Brodhead, Brooke, Cass, Charlton, Clemens, Dcsaussure, Dodge of Iowa, Douglas, Downs, Felch, Fish, Geyer, Gwin, Hunter, King, Mallory, Mangum, Mason, Mcriwethor, Miller, Morton, Norris, Pearce, Pratt, Rusk, Sebastian, Smith, Soulé, Spruance, Toucey, and Weller—32.

Tnunsmr, AUGUST 26, 1852. The Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation Bill being under consideration, the following amendment was moved by the Committee on Finance: '

“ That where the ministerial oflicers of the United States have or shall incur extraordinary expenses in executing the laws thereof, the payment of which is not specifically provided for, the President of the

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United States is authorized to allow the payment thereof, under the special taxation of the district or circuit court of the district in which the said services have been or shall be rendered, to be paid from th appropriation for defraying the expenses of the jn ciary. ’

Mr. SUMNER moved the following amendment ‘ the amendment:

“Provided, That no such allowance shall hes. thorized for any expenses incurred in executing t act of September 18, 1850, for the surrender of fu tives from service or labor; which said act is here repealed.”

On this he took the floor, and spoke as follows:

NIL-PRESIDENT! Here is a provision for e = traordinary expenses incurred in executing th . laws of the United States. Extraordinary e .

enses! Sir, beneath these specious wor l urks the very Subject on which, by a solemn vote of this body, I was refused a hearing. Here it is; no longer open to the charge oi being an “abstraction,” but actually presented for practical legislation ; not introduced by me, but by one of the important committees of the Senate; not brought forward weeks ago, when there was ample time for discussion, but only at this moment, without any reference to the late period of the session" The amendment, which I now ofi'er, proposes to remove one chief occasion of these extraordinary expenses. And now, at last, among these final crowded days of our duties here, but at this earliest opportunity, I am to be heard; not as a favor, ut as a right. The graceful usages of this body may be abandoned, but the established privileges of debate cannot be abridged. Pariamentary courtesy may be forgotten, but Parliamentary law must prevail. The subject is broadly before the Senate. By the blessing of God, it shall be discussed.

Sir, a severe lawgiver of early Greece vainly sought to secure permanence for his imperfect institutions, by providing that the citizen who, at any time, attempted an alteration or repeal of any part thereof, should appear in the public assembly with a halter about his neck, ready to be drawn if his proposition failed to be adopted. A tyrannical spirit among us, in unconscious imitation of this antique and discarded barbarism, seeks to surround an ofl'ensive institution with a similar safeguard. In the existing distemper of the public mind and at this present juncture, no man can enter upon the. service which I now undertake, without a. personal responsibility, such as can be sustained only by that sense of duty which, under God, is a ways our best support. That ersonal responsibility I accept. Before the r;— ate and the country let me be held accountable for this act, and, for every word which I utter.

With me, sir, there is no alternative. Painfully convinced of the unutterable wrongs and woes of slavery; profoundly believing that, according to the true spirit of the Constitution and the sentiments of the fathers, it can find

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