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H. of R.]

Occupation of the Mouth of the Oregon.

distant states, Oregon was not further from the seat of government under the improvements of navigation, &c. than Louisiana was when she was erected into a state; and not much further than Maine is; and he knew no reason why Oregon should be less attached to the republic. He was very sure that her interest bound her to us, especially in a time of war.

[DEC. 21, 1824.

In 1810,

the mouth of the Oregon or Columbia river. a town, consisting of a few trading houses, was built there, and called Astoria. After the late war was com menced, the British traders, aided by the Indians, drove our traders from the country, and held it and traded there until the treaty of Ghent. By that treaty, a mutual res toration of rights and territories was stipulated, except It mattered little, as to the obedience to the laws, in the Grand Menan, and the islands in Passamaquoddy bay, which state the place was situated where they were the sovereignty of which were agreed to be in contest. made; and he believed it would puzzle even a skilful law- In pursuance of the treaty, Mr. Prevost was ordered up yer to say in what state our laws are made at present. from Lima, as agent of the United States, to receive posHe dwelt on the value of the China trade, and the whale session from the British. He arrived at the mouth of the fisheries and contrasting this with the appropriation Oregon river, on the 1st of October, 1818, and on the called for by the bill, he took occasion to state that he 6th, took possession of the British post near the bay. had received a letter from a merchant of high standing It was surrendered in due form, but not without a proand large capital in Boston, who had examined the esti- test by the English settlers against our right to take it. mates on which the sum in the bill had been predicated; Mr. Prevost sailed on the 9th or 10th of the same month, and, although he pronounced them not too high, con- and as soon as he left the river, the British flag was again sidering that Government must charter the vessels to be hoisted, and the country occupied as British Territory. employed, he offered to transport what was necessary This must have been about the 10th of October, if we at a price considerably less; which he could afford to may believe Mr. Farnham and Mr. Crooks, both of whom do, because he already owned a number of vessels in are men of veracity. On the 20th of October, the treaty the Northwest trade. As to the danger of spreading our of London was signed, so that in point of fact, the Britterritory, and of the future state of Oregon separating ish were in actual, (though wrongful) possession of from the confederacy-suppose it should be so? What the country when that treaty was concluded. The treathen? Was it not better that this tract of country should ty declares "that any country claimed by either party, be settled by us than by foreigners? And did the gen- on the Northwest coast of America, west of the Stony tleman suppose that all the nations of the earth could mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays, and stand by and see the vast region to the West of us, lie for creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, centuries unoccupied? If we did not take possession, be free and open for the term of ten years, from the date they would; and, by the law of nations, they would have of the convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects a right to do so. If we forbade them, and they disre- of the two powers. It being well understood that this garded the prohibition, we must go to war with thein; agreement (the treaty) is not to be construed to the preso that the gentleman's argument was as broad as it was judice of any claim which either of the two high conlong. Unless the territory was our own, we might look tracting parties may have to any part of the said coun for war at any rate. It was, besides, of importance to try.' And now, the mportant question is this: What give this vast country the blessings of free government. will be the practical result if we leave the British in Even the patriots of the South found it hard to teach possession until the ten years are ended? That gotheir people how to be freemen-and as to the Russians, vernment may then hold this language to us :-Your mu he had long believed that, with them, the thing was sim-tual right of trade and navigation has been accorded to ply impossible. Let the population of the West be free you, and you have enjoyed it for the full term stipulated; from the outset. but now the rights of both parties are remitted back to their actual condition at the date of the treaty of London. At that date, (Oct. 20th, 1818) we were in possession, and your mutual privilege being now ended, you must cease to trade with the Indians, or navigate these waters, until the King shall grant you a renewal of the favor in another treaty. Thus our rights will cease at the end of ten years; and, instead of our people having the exclusive right to trade there after October, 1828, we shall be excluded from the trade entirely. This shows that the practical effect of the gentleman's construction of the treaty will be, to place our rights on that coast, and in that territory, on the footing of a lease for ten years, after which they are to cease unless renewed; whereas, if we take possession now, as we ought to do, and have a clear right to do, the rights of the British traders and navigators there, will cease in October, 1828. The establishment of a military post, therefore, to occupy the country, is of the first importance to us, because it revives and brings forward our rights, as they were before the treaty. The real state of the fact is, that England has only the color of claim, but to this she has wrongfully superadded an actual possession, and we must speedily re-occupy the country, or we shall have to treat for its reclamation at an obvious disadvantage.

Mr. SMYTH now withdrew his amendment, and, instead of it, offered another, which was, to strike out the whole of the third section, [which offers bounty land to settlers in the territory.]

The motion was opposed by Mr. TRIMBLE, of Kentucky, who said that the section proposing to establish civil government in the Oregon at a future day, was not very essential, and he had voted to strike it out, under a hope that the other features of the bill would be more acceptable. The present section, though not absolutely necessary, ought, in his opinion, to be retained; and he would assign one or two plain reasons in its favor. But before doing this, he would ask leave to correct his friend from Virginia, (Mr. Smyth) in his construction of the treaty of Ghent. He says, that the treaty left the rights of the parties as they were before its date: and so far, agreed. But he says further, that the British are now in possession, and have therefore a right to hold the country until the expiration of the ten years stipulated in the treaty of London. If this is true, it would follow that the treaty has reversed the rights of the parties; and the gentleman's construction of it will place the interests of this government in a most perilous predicament. Let me show him, said Mr. T. how our rights stood before the treaty, and how they will stand in October, 1828, if his view of the subject is correct. We claimed the country before the late war, England claimed it, and Russia claimed it. Their titles were, of course, mere pretences. We sent out Lewis and Clark to explore the country, and make a demonstration of our right, and our intention to occupy and hold it. Not long after they returned, our fur traders went out across the mountains, and around Cape Horn, and took possession near

So much for the treaty, he said, and now for the bill. By the establishment of military posts at the mouth of the Oregon, and on the bay of St. John de Fuco, we may command the trade of China, Japan, the East Indies, and the North Pacific. That ocean is the richest sea in the world, and is as yet without a master. He would not discuss the value of the trade there, nor speak of it as a nursery for our seamen. It was enough to know, that, for the last 3000 years, the nation that has held the

DEC. 21-22, 1824.]

Occupation of the Mouth of the Oregon.

[H. of R. & Sen.

make a settlement and form a nucleus, around which
other emigrators may collect, and time will gradually
consolidate them into a powerful community, and your
treasury will be relieved from the annual expense of
maintaining the proposed military post.
A motion was now made for adjournment, and, being
carried,
The House adjourned.

IN SENATE.-WEDNESDAY, DEC. 22, 1824. Mr. JOHNSTON, of Louisiana, laid the following resolutions on the table:

"Resolved, That the public lands of the United States be appropriated, and pledged as a permanent and perpetual fund, for Education and Internal Improvement.

"Resolved, That the year following the return of the next census, and immediately after the apportionment of Representatives, and every tenth year thereafter, the proceeds of the interest arising on the said capital stock, shall be distributed among the several states, according to the ratio of representation: one half of which sum shall constitute a fund for education, and the other half shall constitute a fund for internal improvenient, to be applied to these objects, under the authority of the respective states."

The Senate proceeded to the consideration of the following resolution submitted yesterday by Mr. R. M. JOHNSON, of Kentucky.

control of the East India and China trade, has had the supremacy of naval strength and maritime power. But, said he, that side of the subject belongs to our exterior interests and foreign policy, which I do not intend to examine. I wish to look at it only as a question of domestic regulation and interior police. The proposed military post, with trading houses in the territory, and in the Rocky mountains, will command the fur trade, and we all know that the fur trade and the fur traders will command the Indians. The fact is proven by experience. This consideration, the best and surest way to preserve peace with the Indians, must, for the future, be a primary object in framing our territorial regulations, because we are about to make a radical change in our Indian policy. The President, we recollect, has called our attention to the subject, and has suggested a new system. Formerly, our policy was to separate the "Resolved, That the proceeds of the sales of the pubtribes, thrust our settlements between them, disunite lic lands, after defraying the incidental expenses, be anthem, and treat with them as independent nations; but nually invested, by the Secretary of the Treasury, in the now we are called upon to consolidate the tribes, em-stock of the Bank of the United States, or in the stock body them, and concentrate the entire united mass upon of the Government, or other stock, as Congress may some portion of our western territories. This may be direct, together with the interest annually accruing a wise scheme. It deserves serious consideration; but thereon. whether it be good or bad policy, if we embody the Indian tribes upon our western frontiers before we acquire the exclusive control of the fur trade, we shall have to embody an army to protect our settlements and look down all hostilities This was Tecumseh's scheme of Indian policy. He was the inventor of it, and doubtless, under the direction of a chief like him, it would increase their power tenfold, and give new vigor to their hostile councils. Col. Dixon embodied some tribes last war upon the same plan, and so did Tecumseh; and we all recollect the impression they made upon our frontiers, and the destructive and distressing results, wherever they assailed us. If we adopt this new scheme of policy, we must begin by securing the exclusive command of the fur trade; we must disperse our traders throughout all the trapping districts. The fur traders are the best peace makers; because they unite with the Indians, and form a common bond of interest, The first step in the introduction of this new system, would be to establish a military post in the Oregon territory, to protect the traders. But would that be enough? Could the soldiery discharge their military duties, and at the same time provide subsistence for themselves, and the concourse of traders and Indians who would assemble near them at Mr. JOHNSON offered a number of considerations in particular periods? Such a post ought to be surround- favor of the measure contemplated by his resolution.— ed by a hardy population to till the ground, and provide He called the recollection of the Senate to the benevothe necessaries of life in abundance, and thereby give lent act, of which he was a mover, for the relief of the confidence to the people, and durability to the settle-purchasers of public lands, the justice, wisdom, and good ment. If you locate a mere post there, without an aux effects of which were so universally admitted. The meailiary population to sustain it, some artful trader, jeal-sure contemplated by the present resolution was of a ous of our growing interests, and of his diminished pro- character similar, and urged by similar considerations, fits, will not fail to bring down the Indians on the fort, as the relief law of 1820. Mr. J. said the amount due by and invest it, and we shall hear of nothing but sieges the banks in the South and West, in which public moand massacres. And after all, what is the value of the neys had been deposited, and whose failure brought land proposed to be given as a bounty to the first set-them in debt to the Government, might be about 500,000 tlers? In that remote region, the land as yet is worth nothing: it has no value. The gentleman. from Virginia fears that we shall spread too far, and hopes that the limits of the Republic will not be extended beyond the Rocky Mountains. Those who observe nations from their closets, and look at men and things through the medium of books, may throw out useful hints, and make wise observations; but it is practical men alone, that are relied upon to manage the affairs of nations. What inay be the fate of the Federation if it should be extended beyond the Stony Mountains, and what good or ill fortune may betide the people of the Oregon two centu ries hence, does not concern us much just now. Doubt less, posterity will know how to take care of itself, and provide for its own dangers, as we do for ours. The period is too remote for legislation; but, in the mean while, give your people the bounty land, and let them go and

"Resolved, That the Committee on the Public Lands be instructed to inquire into the expediency of making provision by law to authorize the several banks in which the public money arising from the sale of the public lands, were deposited, and which still owe balances to the United States, on account of deposites, as well as the debtors of such banks, whose obligations have been transferred to the United States, to pay the same in lands, upon such terms as may be just and equitable."

dollars. The defalcations of these banks originated in the same causes which rendered relief wise and equitable in the case of the land purchasers-that is, in an inordinate rage for speculation in land. The banks had failed in consequence of their extensive loans to those individuals who purchased land. After these extensive purchases, there was a great revolution in the pecuniary circumstances of the country; emigration to the West was suspended, and the Government reduced the price of its lands: these causes prevented all sales of lands by the individuals who had bought them up for speculation; and, consequently, rendered them unable to comply with their engagements to the banks; and this created, on the part of the banks, an inability to comply with their engagements. Their failure had left them in debt, now, to the Government about 500,000 dollars. The banks had received from their defaulting debtors, in

Sen. & H. of R.]

Settlement of the Oregon.

[DEC. 22, 1824.

many instances, as security or payment, those lands to the land in question. He thought that the suits now which they had loaned the money to purchase; and, if instituted would operate to try the question, inasmuch the Government would now receive those lands back, as they would give to Mr. Cox an opportunity to prove either from the purchasers or the banks, it would even-his title; and he deemed it a right of the present holder tually realize the whole or a part of the amount now due to have his claim fairly investigated by law, provided by the Western and Southwestern banks to the Treasu- that, in pursuing it, he interposed no unnecessary dery. Mr. J. argued at some length to show the expedi- lay. ency of such a measure, and its analogy to the cases which produced the beneficial relief law of 1820, which passed the Senate with so much harmony and unanimity. At any rate, as the resolution simply proposed inquiry into the subject, he hoped it would be agreed to.

Mr. EATON thought the scheme suggested by the resolution an impracticable one, or, at any rate, one of much difficulty, and one which, he believed, the Senate would not agree to. Therefore, as the inquiry would be one of much trouble, probably, to the committee, should it be referred, and a useless trouble, believing as he did believe, that, after all, the Senate would not sanction the measure, he thought it unreasonable to require a Jabor of the Committee on Public Lands which would result in nothing; and he, as one of the members of that committee, was therefore opposed to the resolution. Moreover, the duty of realizing whatever was possible from the debts of those banks had been assigned to the Secretary of the Treasury, and he was unwilling to change the arrangement for one so difficult and uncertain, if not impracticable, as the one proposed by the

resolution.

Mr. JOHNSON replied, and Mr. EATON rejoined; when, on motion of Mr. KING, of Alabama,

The resolution was ordered for the present to lie on the table.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES-SAME DAY.

CLAIM OF MAISON ROUGE. The resolution, offered by Mr. BRENT some days since, in relation to the claim of the representatives of the Marquis de Maison Rouge, to refer that claim to a committee, was taken up.

Mr. BRECK spoke in opposition to the resolution, on the ground that the claim in dispute had been submitted by Mr. Cox, the present holder of the vast tract of land concerned, to a judicial tribunal; in which case, he thought all legislative interference, on the part of this House, would be highly improper. Mr. B. stated a number of facts in support of this view of the case.

Mr. CAMPBELL, of Ohio, (Chairman of the Committee on Private Land Claims,) replied to Mr. BRECK; and understanding that the suits instituted by Mr. Cox, are only against persons settling on the land without any title at all, (squatters,) thought that these suits, however decided, could not settle the question between the claim of the Marquis de Maison Rouge, and that of the United

States.

The debate was farther continued by Mesrss. BRENT, RANKIN, BRECK, and CAMPBELL; but, as it turned chiefly on the minutia of the land laws, it was not reported with particularity.

[The lands involved are of great extent and value, occupying almost the whole of the county of Ouachita, in Louisiana. They remain unsettled-have never been exposed to sale, on account of the claim of the Marquis de Maison Rouge. The tract is in possession of Mr. D. W. Cox, of Philadelphia, who holds under the marquis.]

The hour devoted by the rules of the House to the consideration of resolutions having elapsed, the debate was cut short by the Speaker's calling the orders of the day; when

The bill from the Senate, "making provision for Gen. LAFAYETTE," was taken up and read a first time; and, on motion of Mr. MALLARY, was laid for the present upon the table. SETTLEMENT OF THE OREGON.

The House then resumed the consideration of the bill providing for the occupation of the Columbia or Oregon River; and the question being put on striking out the third section of the bill, (which proposes to grant land to settlers in that territory,) it was decided in the affirmative, ayes 101: so the section was stricken out.

Mr. WICKLIFFE moved to amend the bill by inserting the following section:

Be it enacted, &c. That, for the better security and protection of the rights of persons who may settle in or near the said military post, or who may carry on trade and commerce there, it shall be the duty of the President of the United States to prescribe such rules and regula tions as he shall deem fit and proper; which rules and regulations shall be by him submitted to Congress, for their approbation, at their next session.

Mr. W. supported his motion by observing, that he did not contemplate, in proposing this amendment, to concede any of the legislative powers of this House to the President of the United States. He would reserve them in their full extent. But, if any thing like a settlement of the country on the Oregon was seriously intended, we must expect that there would soon be on that river something more than a mere guard of soldiers; the number of the settlers would greatly exceed that of any military force that it might be necessary to post there; but he conceived that we were all, at present, too im perfectly informed as to their situation and circumstan ces, to be in a situation to enact regulations for their government which should be suited to their condition and Mr. BRENT followed, in support of the resolution. character. He therefore thought it was proper to refer He went at some length into the facts of the case, and the subject to the President, and to empower him, as the denied that any suit had been instituted, or, if any, none person most fit, from his situation, for such a task, to di which could try the claim. No suit could be instituted gest a system of rules and regulations for the govern against the United States, without a law of Congress ex-ment of this infant territory, which should be submitted pressly for the purpose. He knew the settlers personally, and he asserted that not one of them held under any title derived from the Government of the United States; they held under titles from the Spanish Government, and no suit against them could settle the question of Maison Rouge's claim. If Mr. Cox wished to bring his claim before the courts of the United States, his proper course would be, not to oppose the interference of this House, which alone could enable him to accomplish that object, but rather to invite it to act upon the subject.

Mr. RANKIN replied to Mr. BRENT, and detailed the history of the claim, as it had been for five years successively presented to Congress, together with the different general acts of the Government in their application

to the approbation of Congress when it should next meet. As an American citizen, he was indisposed to subject the civil rights of the settlers to the caprice of military rule; and, though we might not at present be in circumstances to establish a territorial government on that river, yet we might prepare the foundations of one, with which view he had offered to add this feature to the bill.

The question being put upon Mr. WICKLIFFE's amendment, it was lost by a large majority.

At the request of Mr. HAMILTON, of South Carolina, the bill was then read with the amendments adopted yesterday, and was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.

DEC. 22, 1824.]

Gratitude to Lafayette.

GRATITUDE TO LAFAYETTE,

On motion of Mr. LITTLE, of Maryland, the House resumed the consideration of the bill yesterday reported by a committee of the House, "concerning General Lafayette."

Mr. SLOANE, of Ohio, moved that the bill be postponed until Monday next, and that a committee be appointed "to report a statement of the facts and accounts on which it is founded."

Mr. TUCKER, of Virginia, said he was willing to postpone the bill, if any gentleman desired it for his accommodation, but, for his part, he wanted no further inform ation on this subject; neither, he presumed, did any gentleman of this House. He, therefore, moved to strike out the part of Mr. SLOANE's motion which proposed the appointment of a committee.

Mr. SLOANE thought the nature and importance of the question now depending, called for such information as he asked to obtain. Indeed, Mr. S. said he had no wish for a postponement of the bill if he was to get no additional information by it. The question, whether one hundred thousand or two hundred thousand dollars, or whether any thing, should be voted to General Lafayette, would depend upon the state of the accounts between him and the United States.

The motion of Mr. TUCKER was negatived. Mr. COOK, of Illinois, said that the Senate, it appeared, had passed a bill on this subject, from the features of which it seemed that they entertained a different view from that presented by the committee of this House, as to the mode of awarding this money to General Lafayette: and what the Senate would do with this bill, if sent to that body, he could not say. To give time to consider of the proper mode of finally arranging this matter, Mr. C. proposed to recommit the bill to a committee of the whole, so as to endeavor, at least, to act in harmony and concert on it. This was what was expected from Congress by the People, and he hoped they would not be disappointed. If the bill was recommitted, it could be called up and acted upon with something like unanimity whenever the House was prepared to act definitively upon it.

[H. of R.

er of the House had been directed by an equally unanimous vote, to present the acknowledgments not only of the nation, but of this House, of the important services rendered to the country by General Lafayette, the committee would not have supposed themselves deficient in their duty if they failed to report facts or a statement of accounts in regard to that distinguished man. Speaking for myself, said Mr. L. I considered the proposed appropriation not as an affair of account-not as the payment of a debt to General Layfayette, but as the expression of a national sentiment, which would do honor not only to this House, but to this People-as an act which would, as far as it goes, serve to take away from us the reproach that Republics are ungrateful. I thought it would not be doing justice to our constituents, if we made this award a matter of valuation-an affair of dollars and cents: I thought a different mode of treating it most respectful to the House-most befitting the dignity of this government. Other gen tlemen, it appears, entertain different views: perhaps they are more correct views. I do not stand here to set up my sentiments against those who think the matter ought to have been treated in a different way. Some think, and I have no doubt they very honestly and sincerely think, that they have no power to express the national gratitude in the manner proposed, or to vote away public money in any case to which a claim to it could not be substantiated on such evidence as would establish it in a court of justice. It was not for the want of such evidence, that the committee did not report it. The evidence in their possession was such as would, if duly weighed, satisfy the most scrupulous, of the justice of giving not only the amount proposed by the committtee, but even double that amount.

The services of General Lafayette during the war of the Revolution, Mr. L. said, were known to, and must be acknowledged by, every one. He came to this country at the commencement of the Revolution. He continued his personal services until very shortly before the termination of that war by the treaty of peace. He ceased those personal exertions here only to render them in the same cause where, at the time, they were more useful. He was, indeed, very instrumental in bringing about that peace so important to us. At that time, yet in pro

The motion to recommit the bill was declared by the Speaker not to be in order whilst a motion for postpone-sperity, he would have refused any compensation for his ment was pending.

Mr. HERRICK, of Maine, after inquiring whether such motion would be in order, moved to postpone the bill indefinitely.

services and sacrifices, had they even been greater than they were. When oppressed by adversity, after the confiscation of the remainder of his princely estates, he accepted from the United States, what he would never Mr. LIVINGSTON, of Louisiana, rose, as one of the before receive, the pay of a Major General, the rank members of the committee who reported the bill, to which he held during the war. But, besides that, he speak to the merits of it. The delay in doing so, which was entitled, upon every principle of strict justice, to had taken place on the part of the committee, would the half pay of a Major General for life. Owing to the not have occurred if it had been thought necessary to civil mission, which had already been referred to, Geneoffer to the House any explanation on the subject. The ral Lafayette was not in service at the close of the war, committee, however, thought it would have been only and had not a legal title to this half pay, but his right to necessary to echo the voice which is heard from one end it, on every principle of equity, could not be questioned. of the country to the other. They thought the import-To the representatives of another distinguished offiance and value of the services of General Lafayette had cer, (General Hamilton,) similarly situated, Congress been so generally known, that it was unnecessary to re-granted the amount of half pay which would have been port the facts, in regard to the services of General La- due to him, and that without commutation. The two fayette, on which they thought it expedient to recom- cases were nearly parallel. The officers had, generally, mend the passage of the bill now before the House. the option, and almost, if not quite all, availed themThey hoped that the proceedings of this House, when,selves of it, of receiving a commutation in lieu of half by an unanimous vote, at the last session, they acknow- pay. General Layfayette had not this option, however, ledged the value of those services, would have made from the circumstance already mentioned, of his absence such a report unnecessary. By that vote, Congress sub-in Europe at the conclusion of the treaty of peace. What jected the country to an expense, nearly, if not quite, would be the amount of half pay for the more than forty equal to the amount of the proposed appropriation, by years that have since elapsed, and the long life, which, agreeing to send out a ship of the line to convey Gener Mr. L. said, he trusted this venerable man would still al Lafayette to this country. The committee did not live to enjoy? Twenty added to the forty years already calculate, after having done so, and his declining to put expired, would not be deemed an extravagant estimate: the United States to that charge, there would have been these sixty years of half pay, without calculating interany objection to remunerating General Layfayette, in est, would alone amount to something like eighty thousome degree, for his services and sacrifices in the cause sand dollars. Would any gentleman in this hall say, of the United States. When, more recently, the Speak-that General Lafayette was not as well entitled to his

H. of R.]

Gratitude to Lafayette.

half pay as the family of General Hamilton were, after his decease?

But was this all? No, said Mr. L. it is not all. It is known as a public historical fact, that Lafayette, when he came to this country, brought also important and very necessary supplies to a large amount-an immense amount, considering that it was the offering of a single individual. What was the cost of those supplies, is information which chance alone has thrown in our way. Every one knew that it was great; but a mere fortuitous circumstance led a gentleman, lately at Paris, to inquire into what had been the pecuniary sacrifices of Lafayette in the cause of the United States, during the Revolution; and he obtained a document which shows precisely what money Lafayette did expend in our cause at that time. [Mr. L. here made a statement corresponding with that yesterday made in the Senate, by Mr. HAYNE, establishing that the expenditure of Lafayette, for the use of the United States, during the War of the Revolution, was 700,000 francs, or 140,000 dollars, besides sums modestly kept out of the account, which would have increased that sum.] Add this amount to that which is justly due to him for half pay for life, said Mr. L. and say whether a fair, honest, and equitable settlement of the account between him and the United States, would not leave us in debt to him, interest included, more than double the amount which the committee had reported in his favor. Here, then, sir, is an account of dollars and cents, since gentlemen desire it: here is something to satisfy the most scrupulous. When you offer to General Lafayette these two hundred thousand dollars, you do not pay the debt-you do not pay what you justly owe to him. I am very much afraid, sir, that, in going through this detail, I may wound the delicacy of the gentleman concerned; for I am persuaded that no circumstances would have induced him to bring forward, as a debt, what he gave to us. Half of his princely estates he freely spent in our service, without any other recompense than the secret satisfaction of aiding the cause of liberty, to which he from his cradle had devoted himself.

[DEC. 22, 1824.

He withdrew the location he had made on a most valuable land, now worth 400,000 dollars, and transferred it to land hardly worth a dollar an acre. Mr. Livingston said he knew an idea had been held out, that the remainder of the land granted to the General by Congress had been sold very well What had been obtained for it, he did not know; but he could say, for certainty, that, if any body had given one dollar an acre for it, they had made a bad bargain. That part of it which he was acquainted with he would not have for a gift. The lands which the General yet held were of no value, as the expense of raising the levee, &c. on the bank of the river, would be greater than the value of the land after it should be so improved.

Knowing a good deal of the circumstances connected with General Lafayette, and having been a member of the committee who reported this bill, he had thought proper to state them, and he hoped what he had said would serve to remove whatever doubts existed on the minds of gentlemen on this subject.

The SPEAKER here corrected an error into which he had fallen in supposing that a motion for indefinite postponement took preference of a motion to postpone to a day certain. The question being then stated to be on Mr. SLOANE's motion to recommit with instructions, &c.

Mr. McDUFFIE, of South Carolina, addressed the chair. He repeated the terms of the motion, to recom. mit with instructions to report a statement of facts and accounts, &c. because it more clearly indicated the genius of the opposition to this bill, and the principles on which that opposition was based, than any illustration could do. The motion involved the principle that Congress was about to render compensation to General Lafayette under the obligation of a bond. Put it upon that footing, said Mr. McD. and I shall vote against the bill. Put it upon that footing, and General Lafayette would disdain your offer of payment. What were the services which he rendered to this country, and what the motives upon which they were rendered? Did he render those services, and make those disbursements, upon Mr. L. said he would not press upon the House argu- any calculation of future retribution? Did he enter into ments drawn from the feelings of the People of the a computation of what benefits he was thereafter to deUnited States on this subject. Those feelings, said he, rive from them? Not so, sir: they were the magnaniare well known and from what I know of the temper mous sacrifices of a heart dey ted to liberty, reckless of of this House, and of the feelings of the gentlemen who consequences, succoring a people struggling for liberty. compose it, there is not one of them who will not regret When we come to consider these services, rendered unthat any consideration of what he believes to be his duty der such circumstances, shall we enter into a cold calcuwill prevent him from giving his assent to this bill. Ilation as to what was the actual amount of the sacrifices yet trust, however, that the vote on this bill will be unanimous. I hope it will be seen that the whole House is moved by one consentaneous feeling, of obedience to the wishes of our constituents-one desire of expressing the sentiment of national gratitude which we owe to the nature of the government under which we act-one wish to satisfy our own feelings. I do not believe there is one gentleman in this House who will not excessively regret, that any notion of his duty, or regard to the disposition of the funds of the country, would prevent his giving a vote for this bill.

of General Lafayette, and hold out to the world that we are rendering him this tardy tribute, not as a voluntary offering of the heart, but as the obligation of a bond? I admit, sir, the extent of the services of this individual; I am perfectly satisfied, indeed, that, upon a fair calculation, the interest alone of the money which he spent in our service up to this time would more than double the amount which this bill proposes to appropriate for his use. The extent of his services might well be a motive of this grant; but to refer this bill back to a committee, to make a minute calculation of the money he advanced for us, would be an act of ingratitude and disrespect to his higher and more elevated claims upon the country. Do you expect to obtain vouchers, said Mr. M'D. for what was a grant to you, which the generous donor never wished nor intended to reclaim?

One circumstance there was, in relation to General Lafayette, which, though it did not come strictly into account, as forming a demand upon this government, furnished an argument which could not but strongly appeal to this House, in favor of that distinguished individual, [Mr. L. here stated the circumstance of the loca Mr. McD. did not intend to express any thing diaretion of part of General Lafayette's land in the vicinity of spectful to the supporters of the pending motion, but New Orleans, and his giving it up to the city, &c. sub- he must be allowed to say there was a degree of indelistantially as stated in the Senate yesterday by Mr. cacy in it which would shock the sensibility of any honHAYNE. Mr. L. had the advantage of personal know- orable mind, and particularly of him whom it was proledge of the facts, and of having been the medium of posed to call upon to be an agent in a case so nearly af communication with General Lafayette on that subject.]fecting himself. I very much doubt, whether, if he General L. declared, on that occasion, he would enter heard this discussion, he would receive your donation. into no litigation with any one in regard to a grant which I trust we shall put this offer of an expression of our grathe United States had thought proper to make to him. titude on such grounds, that he will be induced to re

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