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Dec. 16-17, 1824.]

Judiciary.-Niagara Sufferers.

[Sen. & H. of R.

On motion of Mr. STORRS, the communication receiv-verted to the introduction of a bill in 1818 to provide ed some days since, from the Governor of New York, on this subject, was referred to the same committee. On motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, the House then went into committee of the whole, Mr. TOMLINSON in the Chair, on the bill "to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to adopt a new Hydrometer, &c."

funds for paying the amount of the losses reported by a Commissioner appointed for that purpose under the former act, its failure, and the ill success which had since attended, in Congress, individual claims for indemnification, by his constituents, although other claims, of a similar nature, had succeeded. Under these circumstances, the present bill had been prepared, with a view to cover the whole mass of these claims, and bring their justice fairly before the House. Mr. T. went on to observe, that the greatest obstacle which had hitherto operated against this allowance was a doubt, or denial, that the loss of the property concerned was produced expressly by its use or occupation by the United States. The present bill only contemplated to provide for such cases as had been already decided upon favorably by the Commissioner, which cases it proposed to refer to one of the Auditors of the Treasury, limiting the allowance for losses to one-half the amount of personal property destroyed, but allowing the whole of the amount of real The bill was then reported, and ordered to be engros-property which shall be reported by that officer to have sed for a third reading. been actually lost, &c.

Mr. CAMBRELENG, of New York explained to the committee the objects of the bill, which, he said, was as simple as its form. As early, he believed, as 1791, the government had, by law, adopted Dycas' Hydrometer ⚫ for ascertaining the proof of spirits; that, since then, the ingenuity of our own countrymen had furnished us with many hydrometers, which had been found more accurate, and which were managed with more simple apparatus; that the bill merely proposed to leave it at the discretion of the Treasury, with the sanction of the President, to adopt such hydrometer as might be proved, by experiment and comparison, most accurate, and best adapted to the purpose, &c. &c.

Mr. WRIGHT rose in explanation, and in support of the amendment he had proposed. He adverted to the

IN SENATE-THURSDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1824. Agreeably to notice, Mr. TALBOT asked leave to in-provisions of the previous acts, and compared them with troduce a bill further to regulate the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of the United States.

Mr. MILLS suggested to the gentleman from Kentucty, that, since the subject had been referred, generally, to the Committee on the Judiciary, it had better be left to

that Committee to consider and report on it. There was, he said, no doubt that the subject had become one of so great importance that it was the duty of the Legislature to act upon it. But he thought it would be more in order to leave it with the Committee on the Judiciary, who, he had no doubt, would turn their whole attention to a subject of such moment.

Mr. TALBOT said, that he did not perceive the force of the gentleman's remarks. This subject was before the Senate at the last session, and the bill he proposed would bring the whole subject before them at once.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, said, he understood the usual course, after introducing a bill, whether of vital importance or no, was to refer it to the proper Committee. He presumed his colleague would have no objections to so referring it, provided the subject, in which the State of Kentucky has so deep a stake, should receive the early attention of the Committee.

those of the present bill, of which he complained as being too wide and unguarded. He thought that it was a correct principle, that compensation should be allowed in which the destruction of property had actually been property destroyed during war, in those cases only caused by its having been used in the service of the

for

United States.

The debate was about to proceed farther-when, on motion of Mr. DWIGHT, the committee rose, reported progress, and had leave to sit again.

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The House accordingly went into committee of the whole on that bill, Mr. CAMPBELL, of Ohio, in the ' chair.

Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, said, that he considered the question presented by this bill to be of nearly as great importance as any that would occur during the present session of Congress; as proposing to revive the famous act of March, 1816, which had been the cause of greater drain from the Treasury of the United States

Mr. TALBOT made some remarks in reply, when the question was taken, and leave being granted to introduce the bill, he introduced it accordingly, and it receiv-than had ever been made, upon the same principle, from ed its first reading.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.-s -SAME DAY. On motion of Mr. TRACY, the House went into com. mittee of the whole on the bill "authorizing payment for property lost or destroyed by the enemy during the late war;" which was read.

Mr. WRIGHT offered as an amendment a proviso, that the injuries sustained, for which indemnity is to be provided, shall have been caused by the occupation or use of the property by the United States.

Mr. TRACY went at some length into an explanation of the circumstances of the sufferers for whom this bill proposes relief, more especially those on the Niagara frontier (whom he had the honor to represent); the relief proposed to be given to them by the act of 1816; the interruption of that relief by a suspension of the power of the Commissioner of Claims; the proceedings of Congress thereon; the passage of a second law, in April, 1817, which altered and relaxed in some degree the restrictions before imposed. He quoted and commented on the words of this law, and stated the proceedings which were had under its authority. He ad

the Treasury of any civilized government on earth; for no government ever had a standing law of the nature of that. The bill now before the House, in effect proposed a renewel of the most impartant section (the 9th) of that law. At this moment, Mr. W. said he felt himself en. tirely unprepared to go into such an examination of this question as it might require. He, therefore, hoped the House would indulge him, and others similarly situated, with further time for consideration of the subject. His object was not unnecessarily to delay the consideration of the subject; but he thought it important to have before the House, and in possession of every member, the correspondence which took place between Admiral CoсHRANE and the Secretary of State relative to the burning of property on the Niagara frontier. There was another document, also, which he wished the House to be in possession of a document originally brought here to carry these claims through the House, but which, since the year 1818, he had never been able to lay his hands upon. When these claims first appeared before the House, the claimants never pretended to rest them upon the ground that the buildings were occupied by the military authority at the time of their destruction.

Sen. & H. of R.]

Niagara Sufferers-Lafayette-Virginia Claims.

They then maintained that all these burnings took place on the ground of retaliation by the enemy; and believing that ground sufficient to sustain their claims, they produced all the proof of it that they could. But as the House had refused to allow the claims on that ground, they have now changed their position, and placed their claims on a different one. Mr. W. wished, for his part, to examine fully the pretext upon which a re-enactment of the pernicious law of 1816 was claimed; and with these views he wished the committee to rise, in order to have the papers printed.

Mr CAMBRELENG, of New York, said, he hoped that no delay would be interposed in bringing this subject before the House-but that they should be called to act upon it immediately; being persuaded that they were as fully prepared to do so now, as they would be at any future time. He expressed his astonishment that, of all the members of the House, the Chairman of the Commitee of Claims should profess any want of information on this subject-since, from his official situation, as well as the able and conspicuous share he had had in former discussions on this matter, he should have supposed him to be better informed of every circumstance relating to it, than any other person. If permitted to proceed, Mr. C. said that he should contend that, on the ground first taken by the claimants, viz. that the injury their property had sustained was inflicted by the enemy as a measure of retaliation, their claim was just, inasmuch as it was in retaliation of injuries first inflicted on the enemy by the express order of this government, through the late Secretary of War, in the burning of the village of Newark. On this ground, the claim was perfect y sustainable; as, also, it would be on the other ground assumed, viz. that the injuries were sustained in consequence of the occupation or use of the property by the United States. If either ground were established, these claims ought to be allowed.

Mr. WILLIAMS renewed his motion that the committee rise: but once more suspended it, at the particular request of Mr. TRACY, who made some explanation in reply to what Mr. W. had said, as to the disappearance of the document he had referred to. No public paper on the subject had been withdrawn, but, on the contrary, all the papers connected with the general subject, had been printed with the report of the committee.

The committee then rose, reported progress, and had leave to sit again; and on motion of Mr. WILLIAMS, the papers referred to whilst in committee of the whole, were ordered to be printed.

IN SENATE-MONDAY, DEC. 20.

A letter was received from the Secretary of War, transmitting a report, made in obedience to a resolution of the Senate at the last session, of the names of the pensioners at present on the list, the several amounts paid to each, together with the state to which each belongs; also, a list of applicants for pension rejected; a list of the names of the widows and children of the several pensioners, with the amount paid to them, &c.

Mr. NOBLE made a motion that the report and accompanying documents be printed.

Mr. LOWRIE said that, in the year 1820, a report similar to the present was made, and ordered to be printed, the expense of which was very considerable, and a more useless expense he had never seen. He suggested to the chairman of the Committee of Pensions whether it would not be better to refer it to that committee.

Mr. NOBLE said, that the object of the resolution adopted at the last session, was to have merely a list of the names of the pensioners furnished to the Senate; but the object of the present motion was to have the vo. lume, no matter how large, laid on the table of each member, that it might serve as a looking-glass in which to view our follies, but that a list of the names merely could be of no use whatever to the Senate.

[Dec. 20, 1824.

After some further conversation between Messrs. LOWRIE, NOBLE, and CHANDLER, the motion to print the documents was lost, and the letter of the Se. cretary of War alone was ordered to be printed. Subsequently,

On motion of Mr. MACON, the document was referred to the Committee on Pensions, with instructions to inquire into the expediency of printing it.

GENERAL LAFAYETTE.

Mr. HAYNE, from the committee to whom was referred he subject of making provision for Gen. Lafayette, reported the following bill:

"A BILL making provision for Gen. Lafayette. "Be it enacted, &c. That the sum of Two Hundred Thousand dollars be, and the same is hereby, granted to Major General Lafayette, in compensation for his im portant services and expenditures during the American Revolution, and that, for this purpose, a stock to that amount be issued in his favor, dated the 4th of July, 1824, bearing an annual interest of six per cent. payable quarter yearly, and redeemable on the 31st December, 1834.

"Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That one complete and entire Township of Land be, and the same is hereby, granted to the said Major General Lafayette, and that the President of the United States be authorized to cause the said Township to be located on any of the Public Lands which remain unsold, and that patents be issued to General Lafayette for the same."

The bill was twice read, by general consent, and Mr. HAYNE gave notice that he should move its third reading to-morrow.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.-SAME DAY.

Mr. A. STEVENSON, of Virginia, rose, to ask the attention of the House to a subject which was interesting to Virginia, and merited an early consideration. It related to the unsatisfied claims of that state, for advances of money made by her for the use of the General Government, during the late war. The subject, Mr. S. said, had been presented to Congress by the President, in a very strong message, at the last session; but, owing to cir cumstances unnecessay to mention, had not been acted on. Ife wished it taken up, and finally disposed of. It was proper, however, that he should state to the House that Virginia would press the payment only of that part of the claim which related to interest actually paid by her on moneys borrowed for the use of the General Government, and disbursed in its service. He stated this fact, to prevent any misunderstanding as to the character of the claim, and the principles which it involved. Of its merits, Mr. S. said, he would not now speak. At a proper time, he would endeavor to shew to the House that the claim asserted by Virginia was founded in justice and authority, and ought to be paid. This, however, he would say, that, whatever the conduct of other States in the Union might have been during the late war, there was not one who had been more steadfast and disinterested in her services than Virginia, or more loyal in the devotion of her resources to the general defence. She now only asked that her claims should be speedily adjusted upon fair and just principles. This was due as well to this Government as to Virginia, and with that view he begged leave to submit the following resolution:

"Resolved, That the Committee on Military Affairs be instructed to inquire into the propriety of providing by law for the reimbursement of the amount of interest paid by the State of Virginia upon loans of money negotiated by her for the use of the General Government, during the late war between Great Britain and the United States."

Mr. HAMILTON, Chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, suggested that, as this was a purely legal

Dec. 20, 1824.]

Virginia Claims-Occupation of the Mouth of the Oregon.

[H. of R.

with that defence of the measure, to leave the bill to its fate.

question, its proper direction was rather to the Committee on the Judiciary, than to that on Military Affairs. Mr. STEVENSON observed that he felt no great so- I know, that it is an opinion much urged, and gene. licitude as to what direction the resolution should take; rally adopted, that we should keep our population as but he thought his friend from South Carolina was mis- much condensed as possible; that there would be dantaken in supposing that the resolution embraced a ques-ger in erecting a territory at so great a distance, as protion of a purely legal character. It was a question tection would be difficult, if not impossible, and that which arose entirely out of military transactions. In send- there would be danger of separation; that, in all militaing it to the Military Committee, he had been guided by ry operations, the frontier to be protected should be as the suggestion of some of the oldest members of this small as the nature of the case would permit, and that House, whose opinions he had consulted, and also by well fortified. the reference of a similar question in the other House of Congress.

Mr. HAMILTON adhered to his amendment, being persuaded that the resolution could in no case pertain to the Military Committee. If it did not properly belong to the Committee on the Judiciary, it ought to go to the Committee on Claims.

Mr. P. P. BARBOUR thought that, from the nature of the functions of the Committee on the Judiciary, (which had cognizance of courts and of laws,) this subject could not belong to them. The principle of the gentleman from South Carolina would send every question in which law was concerned to that committee. This was a question concerning disbursements for military service, and, as such, properly pertained, he should suppose, to the Committee on Military Affairs.

The question was then taken on Mr. HAMILTON'S amendment, and lost; when

Mr. SHARPE, of New York, moved to amend the resolution, so as to refer the subject to the Committee of Claims; which was carried,-ayes 94, noes 63.

Thus amended, the resolution was agreed to.

Mr. MALLAKY, of Vermont, then offered the following resolution:

In replying to all these objections, I would not wish to be understood, as urging my own opinions. I will candidly state to the House, that, to me, it seems very doubtful, whether military posts and fortified places are at all necessary in a country situated as ours is. Notwithstanding these are my opinions, I am willing to grant any thing in reason which the administration of the country may think necessary to its defence. We often receive opinions from others, and from books, taking the subject up as presented by writers, rather than using them as the means of becoming acquainted with the matter, and, by our own mature reflection, apply them to the existing state of things. This, I believe to be the case, as it regards our notions of military defences. It is indeed true, that, in the early ages, Europe was held by some powerful nations, who fortified their cities. At that day, the nation was almost altogether in the city, the country being tilled by the poor sent out for the purpose, or by slaves; and, when it was overrun by the northern barbarians, they were obliged to defend themselves in these fortresses as they could; it was not war, but conquest and extermination.

The fierce contest was soen over; the country was parcelled out among the barons who followed their darResolved, That the Committee on Naval Affairs being chief, or king, the great baron of the invading force. instructed to inquire into the expediency of making an appropriation for collecting materials, and preparing for the building of a steam vessel of war for the defence of Lake Champlain.

Mr. MALLARY observed, that it was well known to the House, that the Government had, some time since, erected fortifications, on an extensive scale, with a view to the defence of Lake Champlain; but that, owing to a dispute or error with respect to the boundary line, which separates that part of the United States from Canada, those works had been abandoned. The lake was, in consequence, now left destitute of any defence whatever, as the navy, which, for a time, floated on its waters, was now dismantled, and fast going to decay. If the general principle of defence on which the country was acting, in relation to our Atlantic seaboard, was a just and wise principle, it surely applied with additional strength to a case where the country of the enemy was not on the other side of the Atlantic, but in immediate adjacency to our territory.

Thus placed amid a new and beautiful country, fertile and abounding in wealth, these fierce and haughty barbarians soon engaged in acts of strife and mutual ag gression. It became a matter of importance to each, to secure himself against the sudden attack of his neighbor, which, by means of beacon fires, kindled on the tops of mountains, a blast from the trumpet, or other signals of co-operation, irruptions were frequently made on each other's dominions, without an hour's notice; hence, strong castles or fortresses became necessary, or rather indispensable. Warring with each other, and sometimes with the king, filled up the space of many years. The executive, however, gradually increasing its power, violating the rights of the people, and constantly encroaching on the power of the barons, established itself more firmly; yet, the castles were not fina ly destroyed on the continent, until about the reign of Henry IV. As the barons were subdued, and their fortresses demolished, standing armies, by degrees, were introduced, and each king maintaining an army, greater perhaps than the actual state of things required, compelled his neighbor to resort to the like means for security and defence: thus the circle of the kingdom was fortified instead of the barony, and the nations of Europe came to fortify themselves against each other, just as the petty barons had done; the frontier was enlarged, but the system not changed; hence, the multitude of fortresses that cover Europe. Here, however, we have nothing of this sort to fear; our country is of such vast extent, that we are Mr. FLOYD, of Virginia, said, so much, Mr. Chair-protected by it from the broils of petty powers, tormentman, has been said and written on this subject, that Iing by their intrigues, and secure from the unwarranta. will be as concise as possible, as I do not wish to con-ble ambition of the great states, by being removed from sume the time of the committee. This subject has been them. We have no enemy, nor can have any, but such so long before the House, that I presume the mind of as comes from Europe-Europe, the disturber of the every gentleman must be satisfied as to the propriety of world! the measure; I will, therefore, only present a few new ideas and additional facts which are in my possession, and my inferences from those facts, and content myself,

The resolution was adopted.

Mr. FLOYD, of Virginia, moved that the House go into committee of the whole on the state of the Union, with a view to take up the bill "for the occupation of the mouth of the Columbia (or Oregon) River;" which was agreed to, and the House went into committee accordingly, Mr. A. STEVENSON in the chair.

The bill was read by sections, and the several blanks were filled.

Should we at any time, unfortunately, find ourselves involved in war with any power in Europe, we shall always have time enough to prepare for the event; and,

H. of R.]

Occupation of the Mouth of the Oregon.

[Dec. 20. 1824.

as we should have to meet in battle, I believe it would It is, at all times, a disagreeable task for me to recur be of little consequence to the American people, how, to the scenes which took place if the Western Country or where. Our large cities, concentrating much wealth, thirty or forty years ago: none have so deeply suffered and attracting the attention of an enemy, ought to be by those wars, agitated and produced by British agents secured by strong and judicious fortifications; for the and British traders: that country must be secure-these rest, the arms of the citizens should be their fortresses, troubles shall cease-the trade ought to be our own. as none can doubt, that, in all time to come, should an The Western Country, perhaps, fared as well as cirenterprising enemy come to our shore, and wish to land, cumstances would permit our Government, at the he can do so, in despite of all the fortifications raised, or peace of 1783, was in a situation which disposed it to to be raised. Again, might it not be an objection to agree to almost any terms of peace which should recog this vast system of fortifying our frontier, the favorite nize the independence of onr country; I do not mention plan of some, that the fortress might fall into the hands it in terms of reproach, on the other hand, they were wise of an enemy, and offer him a safe place to obtain water, and prudent. But the British were on better ground to and secure their ships, and repair all damage to the ar- negotiate; they provided for their trade; they knew my and navy? This occurrence would be a most serious well the value of the fur trade of the West, and the imthing to us. He would then have to be beaten out by a mense influence it gave her over the Indian, which, acmuch superior force, which would require an expense cording to her avowed principles, she could use in war. correspondingly large, nor could these vast fortresses be That trade was demanded, and it was wholly surrendersafely entrusted to a few men; the force ought to be ated to them. England has shown, in all her treaties, that least sufficient to man the works, which, at one point in she knew well the value of this trade, and, from the moVirginia, I have understood, would require from seven ment she got possession of Canada until the present to ten thousand men, this too, at a place, where, during time, she has cherished it; and, in her late treaty with the late war, we had not a man I repeat it, that, in my us, she has displayed her sagacity and great knowledge opinion, the rifle, and a knowledge of its use, is the of the subject, and the value of the trade of the Oregon. best defence for our country, with the exception of the She has driven our citizens from that country: we can commercial cities, which should be secured by strong no longer trade there; and, by an arrangement with the forts. Sparta thought so, in days long past; and Napo- East India Company, and South Sea Company, their leon has proved, in the late wars of Europe, how easy it traders are permitted to ship their goods from London is to march by those fortresses, and conquer his enemy, and Liverpool direct to the mouth of that river. Our which had cost so much time, labor, and expense, be- traders, on the other hand, have two shipments to make, sides the loss of so many lives, in the fine armies com- paying a duty of from 25 to 37 per cent. so that, when manded by Saxe, Marlborough, and others. they come into competition with the Briton, he is only selling at cost that which the Englishman is disposing of at a profit equal to the duty paid by us: the occupation contemplated by this bill, with the aid of a Custom House, at no distant day would go far to remedy this evil.

I am, nevertheless, willing to act prudently upon the plan approved to the country, and continue their plans; yet, admitting the course to be correct, the number of military posts, and the points at which they should be erected, becomes another question. For my own part, in casting my eyes over the country, I cannot perceive that more than twenty-three or four, or, at most, twentyfive, fortified places are necessary; they are these which I hold in my hand, and disposed as follows: Maine, Portsmouth, Boston, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Delaware, Baltimore, Norfolk, perhaps Old Point Comfort, North Carolina, Charleston, Savannah, St. Augustine, Pensacola, Mobile, the Mississippi river, Plattsburg, Niagara, Detroit, some arsenals and deposites. The fortresses on the sea board might be taken care of by a portion of the infantry and the artillery; the residue might be distributed on the northern and western fron

tier.

It has been binted by some, that the inhabitants of Oregon, in time, might become strong, and be disposed to separate from us. What, let me ask, could be the inducement to such a measure? With a vast power to the south and to the north pressing upon them, with no reciprocal interest, they would find themselves drawn more closely to the Union, supplying by their industry these powers, and finding an immense country to the East inhabited by their friends and relations, obeying the same laws, and taking from them many of the rich produc tions of the East, without an increase of expense. Be. sides, what has their local legislation to do with national affairs? What do we know of the legislation of Maine or New Hampshire, or of Georgia? Do not our judges expound the laws of Congress as well in those states as in Maryland or Virginia? Would not a judge in Oregon do his duty as well as a judge in Missouri? Does it matter where, or in what place, the laws are made! What is the appearance of things when Congress adIf, however, this should be objected to, which I can- journs, the President retired to his farm, and his Secrenot perceive, from the fact that the army, small as some taries gone to their homes? All local or state affairs the say it is, nevertheless is deficient by several hundred of people of Oregon could transact for themselves, as well its proper number, could be filled by enlistments for that as the states on this shor; their obedience to the laws service, or authority might be given to increase the ar- of the Union would be the same; the interest of the my by law to two hundred common soldiers more, people on that side of the Rocky Mountains would be which, organized as our army is, could be done with per-identified with the interest of the people of the whole fect convenience, by adding a few men more to each company, and not cost more than, perhaps, two thousand dollars.

There is, as I understand, a regiment at Sackett's Harbor, at this time, a force, in my opinion, too great for the post: part of that regiment could well be spared, or even a part of those now at the Council Bluffs, and posted at the mouth of Columbia or Oregon river, which would obviate any objection which might arise on that point.

On the score of economy, this measure can be justified as the army now stands, to even a greater extent. The report originally presented to this House, contemplates also a post at the Mandan Villages, as well as at the mouth of the Oregon; troops at these points would relieve the necessity of intermediate posts, and not lengthen the line of defence; this would give greater security to the country, and, by diminishing the number of posts, diminish also the public expenditure.

Atlantic coast, in a stronger degree, in my opinion, than
Vermont and Louisiana, and will continue as long.

Notwithstanding this, suppose there should be a separate government, and they become an independent people, is there any thing very shocking in this? Is it not in unison with our own principles to separate freely and peaceably, when the force of circumstances makes it manifestly necessary? And would it not be better to have our children there, than the Spaniard, Englishman, or the rough Russian? Surely, if we do not occupy it, some foreigner will, as so large, beautiful, and fertile a country, abounding in productions better in the rith

DEC. 20, 1824.]

Occupation of the Mouth of the Oregon.

markets of India and China than silver and gold, cannot be left untenanted. Moreover, the law of nations, which we respect, would go far to justify them in taking possession of it. Would we, in that case, wage war to recover it? if so, that war would cost much more than the occupation proposed by this bill. Would you abandon it? Then say so, and let the enterprize of your citizens choose the course. Many now go to Mexico and to Canada, where they get land for the asking: the inducement to Oregon would not be confined to that poor prospect of a piece of land.

Mr. Chairman, this river must be occupied; so noble a stream, watering with its branches a tract of country from the 42d to the 53d degree of north latitude, and from the Pacific Ocean a thousand miles in the interior, with a climate, though north of this city several degrees of latitude, yet as mild as this, cannot remain unoccupied. This country, too, if there is a spot on the face of the globe destined to feel less of the calamity of war than another, it is this place: this, I should think, would be another strong inducement for its settlement.

All the wars which have agitated the world, have been in, or had their rise in Europe-all the wars we have had, and perhaps will have for ages, can only be from Europe. All the defences we have planned, and are planning, is to secure ourselves against the wars of Europe-from all this, Oregon will be comparatively freed. If there is a man, whose religion, or whose judgment or feelings disapproves of war, then let him settle in Oregon, where himself, and his descendants for ages to come, will be unmolested by the din of arms. Russia, from the situation of her capital, her commanding interests, and the mass of her population, will remain an European power-she cannot disturb us at so distant a point. The coast of Asia is too distant, too wild and unimproved, to become the seat of Royalty; and should war arise with that power, Europe and the Atlantic must feel its effects. Should England be the enemy, the result would be the same-that territory is too distant by sea to enable them to fit out any thing like a heavy force: wherefore, the danger of molestation would be small. From the coast of China, we know there is no danger. The experience of many centuries of exemption from war, has taught her the wisdom of peace. She will not, cannot war with us. From Mexico, Peru, Co. lombia, and Chili, there will be little danger; as the products of the two countries are totally different, we cannot compete in the market; and they have no timber to become a naval power: from that quarter we are safe. If, however, the Republic should be plunged in war, it must be on the Atlantic shore, where it can defend it self; that coast would ask no protection. The whole shore of the ocean is almost a perpendicular rock, only approached through the mouths of the rivers, easily secured, and easily defended, which leaves all at ease within, tranquillity and peace.

There is, Mr. Chairman, another point of view in which this subject presents itself, still more important to us, and one which ought to engage the most serious at tention of the Republic.

This river is the largest which empties itself into the Pacific Ocean on the whole coast of America, or on the coast of Asia, as far, at least, as China. It has soil and timber, to any extent, fine harbors, and much healthr. From this point, the whole Pacific ocean can be commanded; and is the only point on the globe, where a naval power can reach the East India possessions of our eternal enemy, Great Britain. It is well known to every member of the House, that through all her struggles with Napoleon, and amidst all the gigantic schemes and exhaustless resources of that great man, her trade to India remained untouched and secure. It is well known that he ha' planned a descent upon her East India possessions; but as he himself declared in his conversations with Mr. O'Meara, at St. Helena, a book all have seen, VOL. I.--No. II.

[H. of R.

the truth of which, none doubt, that he was never able to accomplish it: because, on consultation with his ablest naval commanders, and on various calculations, he found that the fleet would be deficient, as he observ. ed, in one month's supply of water. If, then, we secure the possession of Oregon, and avail ourselves of the fine harbors and ship timber which we know how to use, which fact, the English, at least, ought not to doubt, we take the strongest and surest security of Britain, for her future good behaviour. She will be very cautious how she evinces that wantonness and injustice, and utter disregard of the rights of this Republic, which led to the last war with her, when she knows that, in thirty or forty days, we can, at any time, strike a blow on her East India possessions, which, of all others, she would feel the most sensibly and sorely. This would be a better guarantee for our future peace, than her faith in the observance of treaties, or her impressions of justice. We should, too, obtain the entire control of that ocean, where we have, even now, annually, eight or ten mil lions of property. Mexico, Peru, Chili, and Colombia cannot, and Britain, in those seas, must forever remain too weak to cope with us. We will be in good ports at home; they have all the dangers of a voyage round a cape proverbial for its storms, and two oceans, making a distance of perhaps thirty thousand miles. If, in any future war, a ship should be taken from the enemy in that sea, instead of burning it, or suffering it to rot, as was done by the intrepid Porter, we would have a near and safe port to enter, where all prizes could be secured, and, by a court of admiralty, the property changed, which could be sold to the merchants of any, or all of the powers below, or even to the Russian. This, then, gives us the command of that ocean, from the Bay of Bengal, to Cape Horn, and to Behring's Straits, Kamtschatka and Ochotsk.

From this bill will result all these important considerations. We procure and protect the fur trade, worth to England, three millions of dollars a year. We engross the whale trade, a most valuable branch of commerce, so plenty on that coast, that Portlock, an English navigator, states, that in 1787, when in latitude 57° he saw the ocean covered with whales as far as the eye could see. We control the South Sea trade, as it is called-the trade in Seals, and in the islands of the Pacific. We must govern the Canton trade. All this rich commerce could be governed, if not engrossed, by capitalists at Oregon, making it the Tyre of America, to supply the whole coast below, and thus obtain the silver and gold of those rich countries on that coast, more valuable to us than the mines themselves; for the nation which works in iron, and labors in commerce, has always, and will forever, govern those who work in gold. Here is a way, then, to supply the market of Canton with all it wants, without a dollar in specie from the Republic. Wheat flour, and cotton, and tobacco, is taken from the United States, by ships in that trade, on what they call indirect voyages, are first disposed of in Europe or the Mediterranean, for silver, opium, &c. and these are ship. ped to China, where the opium is better than silver. The ginseng of the Oregon, the fur of that river and that sea, with sandal wood, and other valuable productions of the islands, will purchase all we want, not only to supply our own wants, but to dispose of in Europe, and return the proceeds to our own country. Much can be taken to Oregon, and from thence, shipped to the governments below, or furnished to the merchants of Mexico, Guatimala, and others, as they may find it convenient to apply for them, by so short a voyage-from ten to twentytwo days.

The trade to Canton has never been properly regarded by us; when viewed in a proper light, it is of great value to the United States, and ought to be cherished, or, as sometimes happens, the best thing that can be done, is, to do nothing; and this is emphatically one of these

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