answered him that I would. I Mr. Adams. I am satisfied; and I here again say to ful and eloquent speeches he has made here, amidst | And here I must do the speaker the justice to say my colleague that I disclaim all intention of making the most pathetic appeal which I think I ever have the proposition to burn did not seem in the least any charge upon him throughout the whole transac- heard in my whole life, referred to the consequences agreeable to him. [A laugh.] He was not quite. tion; and I thought he would not be the man to lend of slander upon the relatives of the slandered party, ready, it seems, for an auto de fe. I wish I could see himself to this sort of manoeuvering, or conspiracy, on the heart of a mother or of a sister. Does the that combustible gentleman in his place, but I fear as I denominate it. It now appears that he rejected gentleman suppose that he is the only man who has he is not now in the house. He said that, for his it instantly, and then came to me and gave me the a mother or a sister whose bosem is alive to charges part, he had made up his mind. He was quite ready information of what had transpired. I had inferred of crime made against himself? By those who are to refer the subject to the committee on foreign affrom the motion here, made by the gentleman from aware of my intimate domestic connexion with the fairs, and to have its chairman removed forthwith. Albemarle, that it was he who made the proposition. state of Maryland, my position in this house can be He was ready for it. This did not much surprise me, I am glad to be able to say to the gentleman from In- better appreciated. If the gentleman could know how because I knew that the gentleman had made much diana (Mr. Proffit) that I never did suspect him of deeply hearts, which are even dearer and nearer than such a declaration three years ago in a printed letter having taken part in this league-not for a moment; those of mother or sister, have felt under his crimi- addressed to one Captain Piper-not certainly that and I now receive with the most undoubted confi- nations, I would ask him how he would himself feel Peter Piper who picked a peck of pepper, [loud dence his disclaimer of participation in it. [A laugh.] were such accusations unjustly preferred against laughter,] for it would have puzzled that Peter Piper Mr. Proffit. I am under very great obligations to him! the gentleman from Massachusetts. Two days after, to have found so much as a single grain of spice in the gentleman's colleague informed me of what had Maryland: I wish I could do the same thing to those enough, but no spice; not a scruple, not a grain. I have apologized to some of the members from that letter. He would have found filth and venom been said to him, and of what was the general con- who compose what is called the corporal's guard. And the gentleman had the kindness, at my request, versation of southern gentlemen on the subject, and They are said to be in very intimate connexion with to give me a copy of the pamphlet containing that implored me by every feeling of private friendship a distinguished person, with whom I wish to stand letter. I have preserved it with care among the that I would do all I could to prevent such an event. in the most friendly relations possible; and I wish monuments of glory which I should claim, if I am to There were four southern gentlemen and four north-could make that person an exception from the con- reckon among the honors of my country the assault, ern gentlemen on the committee; and knowing that spiracy which has been formed against me, and of the unprovoked assault, of the combustible genI held in my hand the balance of the committee, I which I have here presented the proofs. I wish he tleman from Virginia. I was not surprised that he Mr. Adams. I am happy to hear this testimony in have some justification in making this exception, petitioners too, and if any resolution of expulsion had no concern in such a combination. I should proposed to burn the petition, and I suppose the confirmation of the honorable conduct of my col-were there one single member of that body, which is was to be moved, that he was quite ready for it. And league; and that the gentleman from Indiana was not called the guard, to whom I could address the same that gentleman is to be one of my judges! part and portion of the conspiracy against me; and apology which I have addressed to gentlemen from also that the proposition was not made to my col- Maryland and from Kentucky. [A voice: We want league with any certainty of its being supported by a none.] As to that distinguished person, I think that majority of the committee. In the course of this long, and to me most painful tion to support him and his administration, which he at the close of the last session I manifested a dispositrial, among other charges in the papers, and which ought to remember; and I will say further, that since have been countenanced, in some respects by those I have been placed at the head of the committee on who profess to be my friends, it is said that I have foreign Affairs he has had positive assurance of my given ground to this persecution by the acrimony inclination to support him, which he had not before. with which I have attempted to defend myself against The closer, therefore, does it come to my feelings, and some thirty or forty members of this house-I But it seems that this was not thought to be enough, it. Now, I do not know whether there be a member to see his intimate, confidential friends in this house, wish they would all rise here and show their faces, of this house who, if he had one of these mad dogs engage with so much virulence in this persecution or would present us with a list of the yeas and nays whom the mayor of Washington has proscribed by against me. proclamation coming at him "full butt," would put the president, which the gentleman from Maryland from Albemarle will understand me without further I called for a copy of the letter from taken in that delicious caucus, (I hope the member his had upon his head, and, patting it, would say to (Mr. W. Cost Johnson) declared here in his place that explanation. Yesterday, if I remember right, he did him, in a very gentle tone, "my good fellow pray he had received. don't hurt me." For my part, if I should find a ranot understand what a cancus meant)-agreed to bid animal like that at the very point of biting me, [Mr. W. C. Johnson here rose, and, though very meet, and a caucus was held. It was there deterand putting into the wound some of that slaver which imperfectly heard, was understood to say that he ne-mined to expel me if they could-so at least say the kills, I should be very apt to use against him some in- ver had stated that he had received a letter from the newspapers, and from them I get my information— strument stronger than my bare hand, and make president of the United States.] but some doubt was entertained whether that could some demonstration a little more hostile than patting Kentucky to prepare a resolution in conformity with be done, and so they left it to the gentleman from his head. the deliberations which had been held, which should come as near expulsion as it possibly could, but should declare that if I was not expelled, I might consider it an act of great mercy, for I richly deserved it. If there be no palliation-I do not say justification, for I put myself in this upon the indulgence of the house--for any improper acrimony in my words, directed as they have been against men whom I consider as hunting me with a fury far beyond that of any mad dog-with a fury beyond that of the bloodhounds who were brought from Cuba to throttle the Florida Indians-I throw myself upon the indulgence of this house. I ask the house to consider my position; and, in indulgence to human frailty, to overlook the use of terms which may be unsuited, not to those who are attacking me, but for me to use. Well, then, from the vice president; or from Mr. John Tyler. Whichever it came from, the gentleman introduced it here as one argument to induce this house to reverse its determination, three times expressed, to abolish the 21st rule. The gentleman said he had received a letter from a distinguished gentleman of Virginia, and knew from that letter that the president was opposed to any alteration of the 21st rule; and it is my belief that that declaration operated as one important cause of the restoration of the rule. [Mr. W. C. Johnson here again explained, and repeated the assertion that he never had said that he had received a letter from the president of the United States. It was true that he had received a letter from John Tyler. Mr. J. spoke very low, but the reporter believes this is what he said.] And the member from Albemarle (Mr. Gilmer) caught at once at the hint thrown out by his colleague from Accomac and forthwith offered a resolution presenting such a petition, had incurred the censure declaring that the member from Massachusetts, by of this house. This resolution was very mild in comparison with that afterwards offered by the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Marshall). without consultation with a human being, and withMr. Triplett here rose, and stated that he himself, out any reference to his having presented the last petitions which he had previously presented, had petition, but simply on the ground of the abolition commenced a conversation with gentlemen from the south, and asked a number of them whether it would not be right to get up a meeting with a view to the protection of their peculiar institutions. Some of the older and more experienced members had dissuaded him from making any public call at the adjournment of the house, as he had at first proposed, and the caucus which did take place was induced by the presentation of the petition for the dissolution of the union. Mr. T. said that he would then state what had taken place in the caucus. It consisted of a good many more than forty members. Proposition after proposition had been made, particularly as to a modification of the 21st rule, which might rid the house of petitions so framed as at present to avoid the rule. While the speaking was going on, a gen tleman from Kentucky (Mr. Marshall) had come in. Much was said as to the course of the gentleman from Massachusetts, but no final action had been taken and no course determined on. It was agreed that another meeting should be held, not for the pur pose of consulting what should be done with the gentleman from Massachusetts-for that was a ques tion respecting which every gentleman must consult his own breast-but what should be done to protect the south from the designs of northern abolitionists. I admit, I confess, that in charging the Georgia whigs, the South Carolina nullifiers, the Tyler corporal's guard and the squadron of Kentucky, with a Mr. Adams resumed. I called for a copy of that most extraordinary combination and amalgamation letter; but the house, out of a feeling of delicacy to to persecute me, I have, perhaps, made use of too Mr. Tyler, refused to grant me what I asked, and general terms. I am under an eternal debt to that my call was laid on the table. Notwithstanding, from gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Warren) who came the example I have lately witnessed, not indeed in out here and declared that henceforward he should the president himself, but in one of his heads of deset his face against this persecution entirely. I know partments, of the promptitude with which he is ready the responsibility to his constituents which he incur- to deny imputations made on this floor which he conred by such an act. I appreciate most fully the in- siders as unfounded, and of his willingness to come trepidity of soul which alone could have led him to before the public and disavow them, I do dope, and such an avowal in the face of this house. I assure I here call upon the president in my place, to have him, and this house, that the memory of what he has furnished to me a copy of that letter without any ordone will remain in my heart as long as that reason der of the house, and to inform this house whether shall be left to me which some of his constituents, if he authorised the member from Accomac to make such they be, or of his mock constituents, as is assert- here the assertion which he did make, and which ed by others, have publicly denied me to possess. assertion, together with the letter referred to by the There are, besides, three or four gentlemen from gentleman from Maryland did in my opinion produce Kentucky, the particular friends of the gentleman a reversal of the decision of this house, three times who has made the most violent attack upon me, but made, to abolish the 21st rule. who have not, from the beginning, countenanced him The conspiracy to remove me from the chair of in that measure, and whom I would here name were the committee on foreign affairs, with the promise it not against the rules, whom I beg to understand held out to my colleague (Mr. Cushing) that he that not one word I have said has been at any time should be appointed in my place, if he would consent directed against them; on the contrary, I feel myself to the movement, I think I have fully disclosed. Mr. Marshall said that it had been correctly reunder the greatest obligations to them for doing what ported in the paper that he declared on the floor of • Jam sure they have done alone from a conviction of I presented the petition which is the foundation of on his own responsibility. The original draught of I now proceed further. All this took place before that house that he offered the resolutions he proposed public duty, just as much as if it had been done from the present proceeding against me. private and personal friendship to me. I make the sent it, the member from Accomac-the neutral man, sultation with any one. When I did prethem had been made at his own table without conAs he was about to leave same acknowledgment to several of the members from [a laugh]-was the first to rise, and ask whether it the capitol, he was informed that some gentlemen Maryland, a state to which I feel an attachment per- would be in order to introduce a vote of censure. were holding a meeting. He repaired to the place, haps as strong as that I have avowed towards the Another very combustible member from Virginia and listened to the remarks of southern gentlemen state of Virginia. My own children are half citizens proposed to burn the petition; and well was it for there made, and never in his life had he witnessed of Maryland. The gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. me that he did not include a motion to burn the peti-greater discrepancy. In regard to most of the opiMarshall) some days ago, in one of the most power- tioners and the presenter of the petition himself. nions expressed, Mr. M. differed from a great many of those present. He himself then addressed the unpopular with a majority of the inhabitants of that own reputation, and in defence of my constituents. meeting, and read to it the resolutions which he had county as it is against the opinions of any member Here is the influence of the press, both positive and previously prepared-apprising the gentleman that from South Carolina in this house; but that is not negative; negative in the failure to report truly the he had drawn them up on his own responsibility, and the point. The point is, the right of the people to debates of this house; positive in column after column should offer them in the house without reference to be heard in petitioning here for a redress of griev- of abuse against an accused man when put upon his what might be there agreed on. He had further ex- ances. trial. What would be the consequence if such a pressed it as his own opinion, that the subject of abo- But now to come to the petitioners. A proposition course should be pursued in regard to a court of lition ought not to be connected with it; that he has been moved here by a gentleman from Virginia, justice before which I stood charged with subornashould not himself attempt any such association, nor (Mr. Summers), to refer this whole subject to a se- tion of perjury and high treason? Is it not the pracdid he mean or desire that it should be attempted by lect committee; and, so far as I and my rights are tice of the courts and of the country that during the others. The resolutions were in no sense the result concerned, I have no objection-reserving, however, course of a public trial the press should observe siof that caucus. They had been drawn up before he to myself the right of defending myself before that lence, that there may be a fair and impartial decihad heard of it, and no vote was there taken upon committee. But I submit to that gentleman that his sion? them. He had read them to the gentlemen assem-resolution places all these petitioners in the light of bled, but had not submitted them for their action. accused parties. And I ask this house to consider He had at first intended to move the expulsion of the that here is a case in which it is not the constituent gentleman from Massachusetts, and his intention to who calls the representative to an account, but the do so had been changed not by the views or conver- representative the constituent, and that for crimes sations of his friends in the house, but of those who of so great a magnitude. Should the subject go to were out of the house. The gentleman from Massa- a committee, the preliminary question will be, are chusetts was perfectly welcome to this admission. the crimes of subornation of perjury and of high The gentleman himself had dared the house to expel treason involved in this petition, and, if they are, can him had declared that he scorned its grace and the committee come to a conclusion without hearing mercy; that, if expelled, he would go back to his the petitioners? Certainly not. I say again, that the constituents; that they would send him here again. usual state of things is here reversed. A represenOn reflection Mr. M. had thought it not unlikely tative calls his constituent to an account, and acthat such would be the result, and he then offered cuses him of high treason and subornation of perjury. the other resolutions, because he thought that the Mr. Summers here explained that his resolution peace and the dignity of the house alike required did not contemplate an insertion of the preamble that the gentleman from Massachusetts should be moved by Mr. Marshall, but was intended to exclude stopped. the preamble as well as the resolutions. member here present whether he would be willing Mr. Adams proceeded to remark that the members of both houses of congress were not bound by oath to support the union. If the gentleman from Kentucky maintained that they were, he called on him for the proof. The oath to which they are sworn is to support the constitution of the United States.— Another gross assumption in that preamble was, that the dissolution of the union could only be effected by force. Washington and Madison were the men who took the first steps in dissolving the union of the confederacy; and the very first words of the constitution of the United States declare its object to be to form a more perfect union. It was dissolved in direct defiance of the constitution of the confederacy, which provided that no dissolution should take place unless it was unanimous. Was there a member of this house so young as not to know that this constitution was carried into execution by eleven states, and that, for two years, Rhode Island and North Carolina were not parties to the new compact, after that of the confederation was totally dissolved? Mr. Adams. Yes: I was to be stopped; and the Mr. Adams. If that is the purpose of the gentlemember from Albemarle threatened to stop my music. man, and if the adoption of his resolution will be I am happy that the facts have been disclosed here equivalent to a rejection of the whole proposition of in consequence of the reference made to that caucus. the gentleman from Kentucky, then certainly my ob- Why, then, should not charity admit that this petiI am not at all surprised that the gentleman from Ken-jection will not apply so far as regards the petition- tion was to dissolve this union to form a more perfect one? tucky should have cherished an intention of moving ers. Yet if we are to come at the subject at all, I This union had defects. He hoped he should be able to expel me; and I have no doubt that had a motion do not see how the committee can escape from the to show that the charge on him of a desire to dissolve been made to cut me up into pieces of an ounce weighty charges which lie at the foundation of the this union was as false as those of high treason, or of each, he would have been just as ready to vote for whole matter. I say that the effect must be to put subornation of perjury; but he would say to the house that. And I have demonstrative proof of this in the the constituent on trial before his own representatives. that, in consequence of the deep, deep questions fact that he has actually done that which to me is Even the resolution of the gentleman from Albe- pending between different portions of this union, a infinitely worse than putting me to death-a threat, marle does virtually include the constituent. It more perfect union could be formed. There were however, which was actually made (as I showed trenches on his right to petition, and I do not see questions pending between different portions of the from letters which I read here yesterday) by certain how the committee can escape from that difficulty. country that ought to be agitated and discussed fully. other auxiliaries of the member from Albemarle. So far, however, as I am concerned, I again declare If it was not done, the time was not far distant when it The gentleman tells us that he drew up these resolu- that I am perfectly willing the gentleman's resolu- would threaten the dissolution of the union. He begged tions without consultation with any one. Still he tion shall be adopted. I have not the least objection members from Kentucky to note that he desired read them to the caucus, and left those who compos- to it. But what I wish in the present stage of the members from the north and south to understand each ed it in full possession of all his views. I am not proceeding, and that which I insist upon is a direct other. He asked of them to consider it in a cooler surprised. It was almost a justification; at least it vote, ay or no, on the propositions of the gentleman light, and said that these questions could not be winkwas a great palliation of the act, that there existed from Kentucky and the gentleman from Albemarle. ed out of sight. This petition opened the door for such a discrepancy of views among those who com- Among the proofs of this conspiracy against the amicable discussion-for conciliatory adjustment of posed the caucus. He could not, it seems, bring any right of petition and all the rights of freemen in free those conflicts of interest and opinion which were of them, however exasperated, to follow in a crusade states, I alluded to the auxiliaries of the member even now shaking the union to its centre. He referagainst abolition petitions. The gentleman tells us from Albemarle out of this house as well as in it.-red to the objections of the gentlemen from Albehe did not mean to connect his resolutions and the In regard to his auxiliaries in the house, I think the marle and Kentucky, that, if this petition was referproceedings thereon with the subject of abolition at proof must have been perfectly satisfactory to the red, he should be chairman of the committee. But, all. This is very extraordinary. The presentation of mind of every man. The gentleman has told us that if the petition should be received, he should ask to abolition petitions has been avowed here to have the caucus consisted of more than forty members. have nothing to do with that committee, but that the been the very object respecting which the meeting Some differed on the subject of expulsion? Here petition should be referred to the ablest members of was called, and it is pre-eminently the thing involved were more than forty judges, who had predetermin- both parties, by which this question might be brought in the present proceedings here. If I am to be ed my sentence, meeting in conclave to consult how into friendly discussion. It had pleased gentlemen censured, it is for presenting abolition petitions; it could be carried into execution. I ask of every here, notwithstanding his disavowal, to charge him and if the petitioners are to be censured here, they not only with being friendly to a dissolution of the are to be censured for having sent here an abolition union, but with being at the head of a party under petition. As to the external auxiliaries of the member from British influence and British money for the dissoluMr. A. here quoted from the Haverhill paper, to Albemarle and of the conspiracy, I will first speak tion of the union. He wished the gentleman from Alshew that it had suppressed from its readers, his mov-of the press, which, as is well known, is in this city bemarle would send him the letter he read yesterday. ing instructions to the committee when he moved a under the superintendence of what is called the south. That letter was one of the strongest proofs of his atreference to the committee. Therefore the paper It is well known that at the south there are com- tachment to the union. It was written in December, gives a false statement. Now I aver that that very mittees of vigilance, who violate the post office, and 1808, to Joseph Anderson, then a senator of the U. false statement is precisely the foundation of the who take out without scruple and burn whatever they States from the state of Tennessee. He (Mr. Adams) whole argument of the gentleman from Kentucky consider as in its nature incendiary. What is the had resigned his seat in the senate in the preceding and the gentleman from Albemarle in support of this natural effect of this on the press? The effect is, that month of May, in consequence of instructions of the prosecution of the house against me; for, though they whenever a debate of this kind occurs, you never legislature of Massachusetts to the senators of the cannot, as this editor does, suppress the fact that I was can get a fair report of it; and, in proof of this asser-state in congress to support measures which he could for instructing the committee to report reasons against tion, I give the report of yesterday in the National not conscientiously approve. Let the extract the the petition, yet they both, throughout their whole Intelligencer. There is no report of that debate gentleman read be read again, that the house might argument, have gone upon the principle that I am as which deserves the name of a report; and, as to the responsible as if I had instructed the committee to Globe, which is another of these auxiliaries, while bring in a report favorable to the prayer of these pe- this trial is going on there is scarcely a day in which titioners. This is the whole substance of their ar- it does not contain a column or a column and a half gument. I do not know what effect it may have had against me. For the truth of this I appeal to all upon the house. One gentleman, at least, declared who read the Globe. And not only that, but there that he was unwilling to refer the petition to me to is a paper at Alexandria, said to be a whig paper, be reported on, because he believed I was in heart which utters against me whole volumes of the bitin favor of what it asked for. That is the injustice terest invective, equal in virulence to that of the which has been done me by these prosecutors from member from Accomac or the member from Kenbeginning to end. tucky. And all this for what? For presenting a petiThere are other passages in the Haverhill paper tion! And they charge me with a consumption of which express strong feeling against the petition, the time of this house, and with all the confusion and which demand the names of those who signed it. arising out of these debates, though I can appeal to This shows that the prayer of the petition is not con- every gentleman here whether I am responsible for formable to the views of all the people in that part of one hour thus occupied? I have disclaimed that rethe country. There is an article, however, from one sponsibility from the beginning. Even after all the of the most distinguished among the subscribers to thunders and the lightnings of the gentleman from the petition wherein he openly avows that he did Accomac, and Kentucky, and from Albemarle, I sign it, and is ready to do so at any time. For my-have offered to sit down without one word of reply. self, I believe that the prayer of the petition is as But what I do I am bound to do, in defence of my see what his feelings were with respect to the union. Mr. Anderson was desirous to know what the state of feeling was at the north, and had, in consequence, commenced with him this correspondence. Mr. Anderson had intimated to him a doubt whether a higher and loftier sense of duty would not have required that Mr. Adams should have retained his seat, and voted according to the dictates of his conscience, though against the instructions of his constituents. Mr. Wise wished to inform the gentleman of a fact which had come to his knowledge. A son of the late Judge Anderson, whom he never saw before this morning, had called on him, and had furnished him with the original letter, and he here notified the gentleman that he should publish this in full with his speech, as evidence that then the gentleman was sound on the union, and then accused citizens of Boston of being unsound and under British influence.He asked that letter be read. Mr. Adams had no objection to its being read or published. If the gentleman proposed to prove that 1 he was sound at that time, he hoped he should prove draught of the articles, prepared by a committee be- not necessary to the freedom or independence of that he was sound now. The son of that gentleman fore, but reported after the declaration, is thus no-states, connected together by the immediate action had furnished that letter to the gentleman from Ac- ticed: of the people, of whom they consist. To the people comac-the neutral gentleman. He did not complain "The most remarkable characteristic of this paper alone is there reserved as well the dissolving as the of this, but in order to confirm his statement that is the indiscriminate use of the terms colonies and constituent power, and that power can be exercised there were auxiliaries to the gentleman on this sub-states, pervading the whole document, both the words by them only under the tie of conscience, binding ject, he asked what sort of confidence it was that the denoting the parties to the confederacy. The title to the retributive justice of Heaven. son of the man to whom the letter was directed, who declared a confederacy between colonies, but the first "With these qualifications we may admit the same had received this among the papers of his father, article of the draught was, "The name of this con- right as vested in the people of every state in the should deliver it to the bitterest of his foes, to bring federacy shall be the United States of America.' In a union, with reference to the general government, to this house and to publish. He made no complaint; passage of the 18th article, it was said: "The United which was exercised by the people of the united he had never written a line which he was not willing States assembled, shall never engage the united co-colonies, with reference to the supreme head of the to have produced here on his trial. He might have lonies in a war, unless the delegates of nine colonies British empire, of which they formed a part-and expressed opinions which he had since changed. In freely assent to the same.' The solution to this sin- under these limitations have the people of each state the course of thirty years he had changed some of gularity was that the draught was in preparation be- in the union a right to secede from the confederated his opinions with respect to the designs of persons in fore, and reported after, the Declaration of Indepen-union itself. opposition to him. In times of deep party excite- dence. The principle upon which it was drawn up ment who was free from suspicions of designs enter- was, that the separate members of the confederacy of union between the people of the several states of "Thus stands the right. But the indissoluble link tained by his enemies beyond their real purposes? should still continue colonies, and only in their unit. this confederated nation, is, after all, not in the right, Mr. Stanly inquired if this Mr. Anderson held a ed capacity constitute states. The idea of separate but in the heart. public office under government? If this was a public state sovereignty had evidently no part in the com- Heaven avert it!) when the affections of the people If the day should ever come (may officer, it did prove the existence of a base conspira- position of this paper. It was not countenanced in of these states shall be alienated from each otherthe Declaration of Independence; but appears to when the fraternal spirit shall give way to cold indifhave been generated in the debates upon this draught|ference-or collisions of interest shall fester into of the articles of the confederation, between the hatred, the bands of political association will not twelfth of July and the ensuing twentieth of August, long hold together parties no longer attracted by the when it was reported by the committee of the whole magnetism of conciliated interests and kindly sympain a new draught, from which the term colony, as thies; and far better will it be for the people of the applied to the contracting parties, was carefully and disunited states to part in friendship from each other, universally excluded. The revised draught, as re-than to be held together by constraint. Then will ported by the committee of the whole, exhibits, in be the time for reverting to the precedents which octhe general tenor of its articles, less of the spirit of curred at the formation and adoption of the constituunion, and more of the separate and sectional feel- tion, to form again a more perfect u ion, by dissolving, than the draught prepared by the first commit-ing that which could no longer bind; and to leave the tee; and far more than the Declaration of Indepen-separated parts to be re united by the law of political dence. gravitation to the centre." cy. Mr. Wise was about making a remark; but Mr. Adams said he would not yield the floor to the neutral gentleman from Accomac. If he wished to speak, he would have time enough after he (Mr. A.) had concluded. He was giving proof of external auxiliaries. Here was an external interference, said to be by an officer of the administration, to affect the decision of this house, in the production of a letter written to his father thirty years ago. What objection was it to him that he produced private conversation as demonstration of a conspiracy? No doubt but at that time he entertained the opinion that very dangerous designs existed in the legislature of Massachusetts. In consequence he had resigned his seat, and had parted from dear friends, who had become his most bitter opponents. It was immediately after the mission of John Henry had taken place, and while he was under the displeasure of his constituents in consequence of the part he had taken in the embargo, that he wrote these letters. He had renounced none of those opinions, so far as respected himself; he was still ready to pursue the same system, and make the same sacrifices as respects the union and the country as at that time. son. He hoped there were states' rights enough in that. He would read, also, the conclusion of that distablished by the adoption of the constitution, and their course, where, after recapitulating the principles eshappy results after an experience of half a century, he said: "And now the future is all before us, and Provi dence our guide. "When the children of Israel, after forty years of wanderings in the wilderness, were about to enter upon the promised land, their leader, Moses, who was not permitted to cross the Jordan with them, just before his removal from among them, commanded that when the Lord their God should have brought them into the land, they should put the curse upon Mount Ebal, and the blessing upon Mount Gerizim. This injunction was faithfully fulfilled by his successor, Joshua. Immediately after they had taken possession of the land, Joshua built an altar to the Lord, of whole stones, upon Mount Ebal. And there he wrote upon the stones a copy of the law of Moses, which he had written in the presence of the children of Israel: and all Israel, and their elders and officers, and their judges, stood on the two sides of the ark of the covenant, borne by the priests and Levites, six tribes over against Mount Gerizim, and six over against Mount Ebal. And he read all the words of the law, the blessings and cursings, according to all that was written in the book of the law. "This was, indeed, what must naturally have been expected, in the progress of a debate involving all the jarring interests and all the latent prejudices of the several contracting parties; each member now considering himself as the representative of a separate and corporate interest, and no longer acting and speaking, as in the Declaration of Independence, in the name and by the authority of the whole people of the union. Yet in the revised draught itself, reported by the committee of the whole, and therefore exhibiting the deliberate mind of the majority of conIt was at that session of the legislature of Massa- gress at that time, there was no assertion of sovereign chusetts that the first proposition was made which, power as of right intended to be reserved to the seseveral years after, was accomplished by the resolu- parate states. But, in the original draught, reported tions under which the Hartford convention took by the select committee on the twelfth of July, the place. Perhaps he did attribute to those who ruled in first words of the second article were: 'The said cothe legislature of Massachusetts at that time, inten- lonies unite themselves so as never to be divided by any tions which they did not entertain, that they ruled in act whatever.' Precious words!-words pronounced terrorem. Gentlemen might find a series of essays, by the infant nation at the instant of her rising from written by him at that time, under the title of "Ame- the baptismal font!-words bursting from the hearts rican principles," in a review of the works of Fisher and uttered by lips yet glowing with the touch from Ames. In one of those papers-public papers-they the coal of the declaration!-why were ye stricken would find charges respecting the legislature of out at the revisal of the draught, as reported by the Massachusetts, as strong as the letter to Mr. Ander-committee of the whole? There was in the closing He wrote letters of the same purport to Mr. article, both of the original and of the revised Giles, then a senator from Virginia. It was singular draught, a provision in these words, following a stithat this letter was produced as something doubly pulation that the articles of confederation, when ratreasonable; for when, some years since, more than tified, should be observed by the parties, 'And the twenty years after all these events had passed away, union is to be perpetual.' Words, which, considerhe (Mr. A.) was drawn into a controversy with se- ed as a mere repetition of the pledge, the sacred veral gentlemen who had been leading members in pledge, given in those first words of the contracting "Fellow-citizens, the ark of your covenant is the that legislature of 1808, and had referred to certain parties in the original draught, The said colonies declaration of independence. Your Mount Ebal is letters from Mr. Giles to him on the same topics, unite themselves so as never to be divided by any the confederacy of seperate state sovereignties, and and in the same spirit with his letter to Mr. Ander- act whatever' 'discover only the intenseness of the your Mount Gerizim is the constitution of the Unitson, Mr. Giles came out, and denied that he had spirit of union with which the draught had been pre-ed States. ever written such letters to Mr. A. who was obliged pared; but which, taken by themselves, and stripped solemnity, narrated in the holy scriptures, there is In that scene of tremendous and awful to send to Boston, and hunt up Mr. Giles' old letters, of that precious pledge, given by the personification not a curse pronounced against the people upon and they were published in the National Intelligen- of the parties announcing their perpetual union to Mount Ebal, not a blessing promised them upon Gentlemen only consumed the time of the the world-how cold and lifeless do they sound! Mount Gerizim, which your posterity may not suffer house by endeavoring to rub up these old sores and And the union is to be perpetual!-as if it was an af- or enjoy, from your and their adherence to or deparrekindle the embers of extinguished animosities to ter-thought, to guard against the conclusion that an ture from the principles of the declaration of indemake a party at home against him. He hoped he union so loosely compacted was not even intended to pendence, practically interwoven in the constitution should be able to satisfy the house and his consti- be permanent." tuents that his attachments to the union were just as of the United States. Lay up these principles, then, He asked of the house if he was not sound in de-in your hearts, and in your souls; bind them for signs sound when he presented this petition, as they were livering this? He had another evidence of a later upon your hands, that they may be as frontlets bein the estimation of the neutral member from Acco- day. The Historical Society of New York invited tween your eyes; teach them to your children, speakmac when this letter to Mr. Anderson was written. him to deliver a discourse on the jubilee of the con- ing of them when sitting in your houses, when walkIn the summer of the year 1837, shortly before stitution, the 29th of April, 1839, the 50th anniver- ing by the way, when lying down and when rising up; the special session of congress called by president sary of the inauguration of George Washington as write them upon the doorplates of your houses, and Van Buren, the inhabitants of the town of Newbu- president of the United States. He accepted the in- upon your gates; cling to them as to the issues of life; ryport, the residence of his colleague, whom he vitation. In that discourse he discussed the question adhere to them as to the cords of your eternal salvadeeply regretted, quite unintentionally, to have this of state sovereignty. He would read from the ad- tion. day displeased, and he believed at his suggestion, dress: So may your children's children at the next had invited Mr. A. to deliver before them an oration return of this day of jubilee, after a full century of "In the calm hours of self-possession, the right of a experience under your national constitution, celeon the anniversary of our national independence. state to nullify an act of congress is too absurd for ar- brate it again, in the full enjoyment of all the blessJust fifty years before that time, Mr. A. in early gument, and too odious for discussion. The right of ings recognized by you in the commemoration of this youth, had resided as a student at law in that same a state to secede from the union is equally disowned day, and of all the blessings promised to the children town of Newburyport. He cheerfully accepted the by the principles of the declaration of independence. of Israel upon Mount Gerizim, as the reward of invitation; and on the 4th of July of that year deli- Nations acknowledge no judge between them upon obedience to the law of God." vered an oration, a copy of which he now held in his earth, and their governments, from necessity, must, hand, and from which he would read. There was in in their intercourse with each other, decide when the changed his opinion since. The petitioners, he had Was he sound on the union then? He had not it a brief summary of the introduction and discus- failure of one party to a contract to perform its obli- no doubt, would be more gratified than by the grantsion of the articles of confederation cotemporaneous gations, absolves the other from the reciprocal fulfil-ing of their prayer if congress would take measures, with the Declaration of Independence. The first ment of his own? But this last of earthly powers is not for the dissolution of the union, but to remove cer. Mr. Tallmadge continued his remarks in order and concluded by hurling back the insult with contempt. Mr. Clay's resolution of enquiry as to the disposition of the rejected quotas of the land fund was taken up, and after an ineffectual effort by Mr. Sevier to have it laid on the table, it was adopted as proposed by Mr. C. by a vote of 25 to 18. Mr. Walker submitted a resolution calling for full information respecting the convention for the settlement of claims between the United States and Mexico. Mr. Linn submitted the following: those sources of discord, bringing too many, in both approved himself to his fellow citizens, nor promot- proved or amended. The liabilities of those debtors portions of the union, to look to the dissolution of the ed the cause of submission to the joint tenantcy of who had already applied for its benefit had been staunion, in despair of any other remedy for the redress southern slavery and northern domocracy, by his ani- ted by the senator as amounting to upwards of of the grievances under which they are suffering, madversion upon the course of Mr. Adams. If the $6,000,000. Could any fact present a stronger arguwhile congress refuse even to hear their complaints. members from Kentucky, from Accomac, and from ment in its favor? Had the senater no heart to feel After having taken so much of the time of the Albemarle, would look to the other luminaries of the for the distresses of men whom his own course had house in showing that in every part of his life he had whig press at Boston, the Courier and the Atlas, he mainly contributed to their misfortunes and those of adhered in attachment to the union as to life itself-wished those gentlemen would read what they would the country? after that, if the people petitioning were to be charg- see there. He was more and more desirous to go to Mr. Benton here interrupted the debate by exclaimed with treason and subornation of perjury, he hoped his constituents, because he knew the public opinioning, "it is false, sir," and a long discussion ensued these petitioners would be allowed to present them there; he wished to say all that could be said in de- upon the course proper to pursue for such violations selves, and be heard in their own defence. fence of the petitioners, and to show that the whole of order. After the discussion had ended without His colleague, (Mr. Cushing), he hoped, would ad-charge against them was utterly groundless. the adoption of any proposition, dress the house, as he had announced his desire to The next thing was to show that this conspiracy do. Perhaps he might know some of the petitioners. was personal to him, and through him was in operaOne of them, he had been informed, had been a tion in a far more extensive view; that throughout member of the legislature, and one of them a candi- the south was a design to destroy the liberty of the date for the senate of Massachusetts at the election free states. He should take up the subject of the for this present year, and that all the democrats of controversy between Virginia and New York, and that body had voted for him-a pure and unqualified Georgia and New York; and should take up and exademocrat. He (Mr. Adams) was a little distrustful, mine the controversy between Georgia and Maine, however, of the purpose of his colleague, by his and hoped in that to be supported by the whole delequestion whether the reconsideration of the vote by gation from Maine. He might say now, to the honor which the petition had been laid on the table would of the governor of Maine, (Mr. Fairfield), that he re-open the question whether the petition should be had been as firm in the support of the liberty of his received; and inferred that his colleague would vote people as a whig, although a democrat-he feared against its being received. He hoped he was mis- too deeply pledged to the confederation divulged by taken, and that none of his colleagues would vote Clement C. Clay. And he would take this occasion against it not even his colleague from Middlesex, to ask the members from Maine for the documents (Mr. Parmenter), who was older in democracy than relating to this controversy; for he had already warnhis colleague over the way. He intended to thanked them and the people of the state of Maine heretohis colleague (Mr. Parmenter) for his uniform votes fore, and he now solemnly repeated the warning, that in favor of the right of petition and of the liberties of as the navigating interests of the people of Maine the country. have already been sacrificed by one treaty with Great Britain, under the scourge of which they are even now smarting, so will the defence or the sacrifice of FEBRUARY 9. Mr. Tallmadge presented a memoritheir territory depend upon their resistance or sub-al from citizens of St. Louis, Missouri, remonstrating mission to this mulatto policy of southern slavery against repeal or postponement of the bankrupt law, and northern democracy. Let them look to their and expressed his gratification at this evidence in its boundary line-for if they suffer this government, by favor from that section. their tame submission to the slave-breeding policy, to multiply issues with Great Britain upon totally untenable grounds, for the protection of the slave trade, be made, after a bloody and desolating war, the terAfrican or American, when the adjustment comes to ritory of the people of Maine will be sacrificed as an equivalent, a quid pro quo, for some paltry concessions of protection to the slave trade and indemnity to slave traders. He would advise the gentlemen from Kentucky and from Albemarle not "to lay the flattering unction to their souls" that this amalgamation would be carried so far. He desired, in the course of his defence, to speak of that more particularly. There was one member from New York who had stopped short, who had said thus far would he go and no further. Not one vote had he given to countenance this cruel persecution; though he believed, on every other political discussion in this house, he was as wide apart from Mr. A. as the gentleman from Kentucky proclaimed himself to be from his associate from Accomac. He felt bound to return to that member from New York (Mr. John G. Floyd) his thanks. He gave notice that his colleague over the way (Mr. Cushing) would not go very far with the triumvirate in this crusade; perhaps he did not yet acknowledge himself a genuine wool-dyed democrat. The democracy of the north would not denounce the right of petition, except New Hampshire. How far they would go would be seen hereafter. He would prove why the gentleman from Albemarle rest his defence. Mr. A. here yielded to a motion by Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to communicate to the senate, if not incompatable with the public interests, all the information in his possession which may relate to the recent outrages cominitted by the Mexican citizens or people on the person and property of the American consul and other American citizens residing at Santa Fe and northern provinces of Mexico. The senate then proceeded to the consideration of executive business, and, after some time spent therein, adjourned. After some remarks of Mr. Linn expressing regret if it should be regarded as the opinion of his state, it was referred. tion from the secretary of the treasury for the comparative tariffs of foreign nations, was taken up and adopted. The resolution of Mr. Evans calling for informa The senate then proceeded to the consideration of the amendments proposed to the constitution by Mr. Clay, and Mr. Archer delivered a speech in opposition thereto after which the senate adjourned. FEBRUARY 10. Memorials in relation to bankrupt law continued to be presented. The resolution, submitted some days since by Mr. Peirce, calling for information in relation to the commission appointed to investigate the affairs of the N. York custom house was taken up; when Mr. Clay begged leave to say a word or two on this subject. If any commission was ever demanded in the government to discover the expenses of any office, it was that connected with the N. York custom house. He had heard that upon a revenue of less than eight millions of dollars there had been an ex Mr. Everett, that the house adjourn; which motion penditure of 8 per cent.-a sum greater by 3 or 4 per prevailing, the house adjourned. SECOND SESSION. SENATE. FEBRUARY 8. Mr. Benton presented a memorial from citizens of New York urging a repeal of the bankrupt law. He said the commencement of the law had already realised the apprehensions of its opponents and in support of it, he read an extract. from Bennett's Herald of New York. He hoped it would soon be repealed or amended. He would tell them they would have an account to settle with their constituents for their votes on this occasion. He stated yesterday, and now repeated, if those of the prosecution would look to public opinion they would find this course was not the right way to settle this agitation. If they would look into the leading papers of Boston and most of the New York papers, they would find that nothing like quiet or submission, on inquiry in this case, appeared in those quarters. One whig paper, indeed, at Boston had, at the first imperfect and incorrect reports of this conspiracy against him, expressed doubt as to the en propriety of his course, supposing him responsible for TWENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS, the consumption of the time of the house. Perhaps the editor of that paper inclined to the opinion that, as the nominations of his relative to the mission to London, of the secretary of state, and of my friend from New York (Mr. Granger) as postmaster general, did, at the last session of the senate, rub through that body in spite of that hopeful coalition of south ern slavery and northern democracy so ingenuously revealed and so earnestly recommended by the letter of Mr. Clement C. Clay to the legislature of Alabama, it would be the safest policy for the freemen of the north to hide the light of Mr. C. C. Clay's disclo- Mr. Tallmadge presented memorials in opposition sure under a bushel, and say no more about it. But to any interference with the law. He then addressed the editor of the Boston Daily Advertiser* had neither himself to the course of the gentleman from Missouri who seemed to act on the maxim that perseverance *From the Boston Advertiser of February 9th. It is extremely chari able in Mr. Adams to be so realy conquered all things. There was to be no quiet.to impute a personal move, for the opinions which we The senator had declared this to be a party question. express of the conduct of public en. The motive as- It was not so, and its only party character had been signed is of course to be taken in an ironical sense, for given to it by the senator from Missouri. But for his no one can suppose that Mr. Adams intended to impute opposition the law might before this have been imto us, seriously, a disposition to use more conciliatory language towards the south, in consequence of the facts to a sacrifice of the benefi's of the union, and a dissoluto which he alludes. The real purpose of his remark, tion of the union itself. Mr. Adams, we fear, is doing doubiless, was to reproach us, for not having manifested more daily, to verify the predictions which we mad a proper degree of irritation and resentment, at the insult some years ago, of the tendency of this course of proceed which was offered on that occasion to Mr. Everett, and ing, than we had dreamed could be accomplished by one through him to the whole people of the north. But as we man. If he is seeking a vind casion of his course in the do feel the force of the reproach, we have no inclina- public sentiment, as expressed through the public press, tion to reply to it. We do not reason as Mr. Adams we hold it to be a duty not to give any countenance to does on these subjects. We have no disposition, from his course of argument, in any thing which may fall from the impulse of personal or local feeling, to pursue a course us, and we shall not be driven from this course by any which, without a pretext of the slightest local or national imputations of servility towards those whom he courte advantage to be gained, tends with the utmost certaintyously term the "unholy combinatios of slaveholders." cent. than when the revenue was $16,000,000. The expense of collection at the New York custom house when Jonathan Thompson was collector, was less than one-third what it was now. There was no reason for this increase. Mr. Woodbury wished to correct the senator from Kentucky as to the expenses of collection. The goods imported into New York had increased from $100,000,000 to $180,000,000. It was obvious that the increase of this importation led to an increase of the expenses of collection, and that the diminished receipts should have led to a corresponding reduction of expense. He did not hold himself responsible for this. Mr. Clay did not mean to enter into this discussion now. There was no apology for the augmentation of officers, or such an increase of expenses as had been incurred. They had been augmented far beyond the increase of revenue. He wished the matter probed to the bottom. The resolution of inquiry was then laid upon the table, on motion of Mr. Clay. And the senate proceeded to consider the bill confirming certain land claims in Louisiana. The bill, after having been explained by Mr. Mouton, was ordered to be engrossed. The senate then went into executive session; and, after some time spent therein, adjourned. FEBRUARY 11. The president of the senate laid before the body resolutions of the citizens of Iowa territory, asking the survey and purchase of a tract of country owned by the Sac and Fox Indians. Mr. Evans, from the committee on finance, reported the bill from the house for the protection of American seamen, without amendment. Also, the bill making appropriations for the pensions of 1842. On motion of Mr. E. these bills were taken up, and, after being carried in committee of the whole, were read a third time and passed. On motion of Mr. Clay, the senate proceeded to the consideration of executive business; and, after some time spent therein, adjourned to Monday next. FERRUARY 14. Mr. Pierce moved to take up the resolution submitted by him some eight or ten days since, calling for information in relation to the commission appointed to investigate the abuses said to have existed in the New York custom-house. Mr. P. said it was intimated that he was opposed to obtaining information. Far from it. He had no desire to suppress information, and he did not doubt that investigation was needed at the New York custom-house. He was anxious that all corruption should be exposed, whether pertaining to the preceding administration or the present. The commission had been ten months in existence, and, if all the information could not be given, he hoped that such as was ready might be presented. If any partial information was in the department, it would doubtless be withheld by the secretary of the treasury until it was full enough to do justice to all parties. He hoped no objection would be offered to the resolution, which was simply one of inquiry. Had it and that it would be necessary to continue the inves-fested by the whigs since November last. Mr. Buchanan said in regard to the administration, he had done no more than to defend the head of it for his two vetoes. He believed the president to be a very honest or amiable-[laughter]—amiable and honest man, but nothing had been said in his defence by his opponents, except upon these two questions. Upon all other questions there had been a concur rence of opinion between the president and the whigs in congress. He regretted that there was not more unity of opinion between them, and that there seemed no party in the senate to defend the pre sident. Mr. Buchanan said, in reply to the senator from Kentucky, (Mr. Clay), that he concurred with him as to the authority of the commission, or any commissions. There was no such power vested in the president under the exercise of his duty to see the laws executed. In regard to the New York custom house, he believed for ten months it had been a hotbed of corruption, and he wished for information in regard to it. The New York custom house was now under the control of the friends of the senator from North Carolina, from Mr. Curtis down. What need, therefore, for an investigation, he would ask? In regard to the statement of the senator from Kentucky, that the departments and offices were in the possession of the opponents of the administration, he thought that such was not the fact. He had called for information upon this point at the extra session of congress, but had not got the information which was desired. He intended to move again in this matter, and when the information was received, it would be known who held the offices. Mr. B. was in favor of the utmost latitude of inquiry in regard to Mr. Clay was very glad to hear the senator from the New York custom house, and he hoped the resoNew Hampshire say that he was in favor of bring-lution would be adopted without delay. ing out all the matters connected with the N. York Mr. Clay hoped before this time that a little of Mr: Clay said he regretted also, and most deeply, custom-house. With great deference to the senator, whig principles had been infused into the senator the state of relations which unhappily existed be he must say that his resolution implied some objec- from Pennsylvania. He had, however, admitted tween the executive and the legislative branches of tions to the investigation which had been ordered in something in admitting so much as that there was no the government. He could appeal to the senator and the case of the New York custom-house. In regard authority in regard to the appointment of commis- the senator's friends, that he had endeavored to avoid to the authority by which this investigation was ask- sions as had been claimed for him. So far, he had it. We found, as one inheritance, an empty treasued, he sought information. In regard to the authori- become a good whig, and he looked forward with ry, a bankrupt government, embarrassment everyty relied upon to appoint a commission, he did not pleasure to the time when the senator would have where. We were compelled to supply these deficoncur with some that this authority was found in the religion and patriotism of true whig principles. ciencies, and how had we been aided in this state of the power and duty to see the laws executed. He Mr. C. then referred to the abuses of power under embarrassment by the gentlemen interested as much believed it to be upon the contrary, and he made the the color of being an executor of the laws, abuses as us in the preservation of the honor of the coun remark without any reference to the present execu- put forth in the doctrines of the proclamation, in the try? Gentlemen had opposed us in all our efforts to tive; for there had long been a precedent for it-a act for the removal of the deposites, in the appoint- relieve the government in most of the measures of great abuse of power. It was, he thought, a gross ment of agents to travel abroad, and in kindred mat- the extra session. He thought, in this opposition, abuse of power to allow the appointment of a comgentlemen had not dealt with their opponents as mission, when the effect might lead, if there was a they had been dealt by, when they were in power, disposition to abuse power, to the worst consequenand had a right to prescribe their own forms of meaces. He had learned last night, in a conversation sures. with a friend, that a late secretary of war had sent some young officers to France to improve themselves in the art of horsemanship. [Laughter]. If they had been sent among the Camanches he should not have been so much surprised, but to appoint young men to go to France to learn their style of horsemanship he thought was a stretch of power a little beyond any thing he had before heard of. This very commission, now under consideration, he believed was instituted by a man whose memory was dear to us all, and who probably acted without sufficient reflection. What he said, therefore, had no particular reference to it. He spoke of the exercise of such a power as being unwarranted by the constitution and liable to great abuse. The gentleman should remember that his friends are still in office that they have the power to hold in impenetrable darkness the corruptions of his own political friends. Mr. C. thought, too, that there was some impatience in regard to the information in reference to the New York commission. The report would be made soon enough, he believed, and if gentlemen would wait awhile they would have the report, and, if he was not much mistaken in the information he had received, they would have more of it than their Mr. Pierce said he was not acting with hot haste, nor was he the man to resist the inquiry to get at the stomachs could bear. information. Mr. Clay. Nor am I. Mr. Pierce continued. He had great respect for the vetoes of the president. But he was not the president of his friends. They had as much as they could do to be responsible for their own acts. ters. Mr. C. proceeded to reply more particularly The gentlemen with whom he acted here were disposed and would support the administration wherever they could; and in regard to the present state of things, he hoped that they would result in good, par ticularly as the spirit of patriotism seemed to be invoked by men of all parties. Mr. C. referred to the acts of the extra session of congress, and particularly to the two bank bills, for the purpose of saying that he had been misunderstood in being understood as opposing the two bank bills without any qualification. Much in the two bills he did oppose, and he had looked forward to improve them in supplementary bills. Mr. Buchanan said he would say no more now to continue the discussion, but upon a future occasion he should show that the opponents of the administration had been justified in their opposition to the loan and other bills. Mr. Clay. Very well, sir. “Come on Macduff.” Mr. Calhoun said he would not have said a word, not accused him of defending the system of economy if the senator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Buchanan) had by general declamation. Mr. Calhoun said he did not understand the senator crime should be avoided, or that it should be brought Mr. Buchanan would not consent that the great down to Samuel Swartwout, or the custom house of New York. In regard to Mr. Swartwout, he served Mr. Buchanan rose to explain, and said there was out two terms. Then Mr. Van Buren refused to re- nothing in the world further from his intention than appoint him. General Jackson appointed him be- to reflect upon the senator from South Carolina. He cause he thought him an honest man. however, liable to be mistaken in regard to public sions. All he meant to say was, that reform could We were all, had said so in public and private, and upon all occamen; and, once finding out our error, all that could never be accomplished by general discussion. Detail B. contended, also, that he had not been convicted of be done was to remove the obnoxious officer. Mr. was necessary. inconsistency in regard to the authority by which from Pennsylvania. It was inferred that he had by this commission was appointed, or any commission. general discussion sustainad the reform proposed, He believed the authority was not vested in the pre- when he had gone on, and at great personal labor, to In regard to this subject, he had high objections.sident, and that it must come from congress. His show details for the accomplishment of reform. Mr. When the power was in the hands of the party op- opinion was now, upon this subject, what it al- C. said he was for reform, and the only way to acposed to him, was it not proper that such informa- ways had been, and no inconsistency had been point-complish it was by correcting erroneous opinions in tion should be given? He sought the truth, and no- ed out. regard to the protective system and the taxing powthing but the truth. If the report of the commis- Mr. Clay. In regard to the officers in the govern- er. We robbed the people in levying taxes. It was sion was to come, and was, as the senator said, in ment, he would say that they had not been long plunder aud nothing more, and reform and retrenchthe course of preparation, what possible objection enough in office to correct all the abuses of the go- ment could be accomplished in no other way than by could there be to his resolution. He saw none what- vernment which had existed for so many years. They correcting the erroneous doctrines which had grown ever, and it seemed strange to him that it should had not been long enough in office to ferret them up here in regard to taxing. He had voted alone meet with opposition from any quarter whatever. out. It was known to the whole country that the for years, and feared that he should have to go on Mr. Mangum said in regard to the authority by relations of the whig party had not been of that con- and vote alone, as he certainly should. which the commission was appointed, he thought there fidential character necessary to success. It was Mr. Buchanan said he found himself between two was no unnecessary exercise of power in the appoint- known, too, that the heads of the present depart- fires-the senator of Kentucky on the right, and the It was desirable that the commission should ments had not been there for more than five months- senator from South Carolina on the left. He had not not be continued to an extreme length of time, and he that changes had been made growing out of a diffe- said that the senator from South Carolina had made a had understood that all the information desired had rence of opinion among friends. But he would say speech upon mere generalities. He only said that not been obtained by the commissioners. It might that the annals of no country had exhibited such a the remarks of the senator did not apply the remebe that they had been thwarted in their investigation, determined adherence to principle as had been mani- dies. They pointed out the remedy only. ment. |