strictions imposed by human tribunals upon the consciences of men are "impious encroachments upon the prerogatives of God and the liberties of men."

That religious liberty has had a conspicuous agency in American progress no one doubts. It has promoted conditions which invited enterprise, stimulated intellectual growth, advanced moral development and secured human happiness; results which can only proceed from that unfettered mind and conscience enjoyed by the people of the United States, and which cannot be better described than by borrowing the words of Henry Buckle which he misapplied to another country, saying, "that of all countries ours is the one where popular liberty is settled on the widest basis: where each man is most able to say what he thinks; where every one can propagate his own opinions; where religious persecution is little known and the unchecked play and flow of the human mind may be clearly seen; where the profession of heresy is least dangerous and the practice of dissent most common; where hostile creeds flourish side by side and rise and decay without disturbance according to the wants of the people, unaffected by the wishes of the church and uncontrolled by the authority of the state."

Such conditions of unrestricted freedom explain and emphasize the suggestion of Goldwin Smith that "not democracy in America, but free Christianity, is the real key to the study of the people and their institutions." Not that Christianity is in any legal sense "a part of the law of the land," as has been frequently asserted, for no man was ever indicted in a criminal court for not loving his neighbor as himself; still the spirit of Christian liberty and freedom of conscience universally prevails and affords a graphic illustration in an important direction of Americanism triumphant. LEAM LEAM

INTERNATIONAL PEACE.

There are some principles of Americanism that are yet in the making and belong to the category of the unperformed, but are yet to be triumphant. Here prophecy invites us; the unperformed commands us. Prophet, Seer and Poet have spoken: "Years of the unperformed! Your horizon rises. I see it parting away for more august dramas; I see not America only. I see not only Liberty's nation, but other nations preparing;

I see tremendous entrances and exits, I see new combinations, I see the solidarity of races; I see that force advancing with irresistible power on the world's stage."

One of the coming triumphs of Americanism is international peace. In the promotion of this consummation the American republic has been easily foremost among the nations. In one hundred and seven years, from the adoption of the Constitution to 1896, Dr. Eliot suggests the United States has had only four and a quarter years of international war, while within the same period they have been a party to forty-seven arbitrations, more than half of all that have taken place in the modern world. Some of these tribunals of peace composed differences of the gravest character and adjusted questions of the greatest magnitude, demonstrating the posibility and desirability of averting the horrors of war by an appeal to reason in the settlement of international controversies. Along this line a glory radiant with light from heaven awaits the American people if they continue in the vanguard of the nations, in the agitation of the greatest undertaking now engaging the thought of the Christian world, the establishment of an international tribunal of arbitration. On this realization, civilization builds a great hope. Soldier and sage, philosopher and statesman, join hands in pushing forward the splendid consummation which will hasten the great

"far off divine event

To which the whole creation moves." The millennium will visibly advance when by common consent the sword shall rust in its sheath, the cannon's brazen tongue be dumb, and the truce of God proclaimed throughout the civilized world. The enlightened sentiment of mankind deprecates war, and surely the American people, who have tasted of its bitterness, instructed by experience, by the memory of its inhumanity, its ghastly horrors, its terrible compensations, will not lag in the movement which is marshaling the conscience of Christendom in aggressive opposition to its continuance. Humane, Christian sentiments are being exchanged by civilized powers, flying to and fro like mighty shuttles weaving a web of concord among the nations, and the world's peace will be the ultimate outcome despite the recent increase in the armaments of the great powers. The United States must keep the lead in the great crusade. The honor of America and her greatest service to the human race lie in that achievement. It is the gate of mercy and blessing. Let us not rest until we

open it to mankind and mark another splendid triumph of Americanism by ushering in the glorious day by prophets foretold:

"When the war drums beat no longer and the battle flags are furled,

In the parliament of man, the federation of the world."

NATIONAL ALTRUISM.

Another Americanism which is to be triumphant is the great principle of Nationcl Altruism, in the exemplification of which the Unitad States is leading the world. It seems from observation of the course of history that in the providential order one or another nation has been selected to represent the dominant principle of an era or the controlling spirit of an age. We behold to-day a new power looming above the world's horizon to become the chosen nation, crowned with leadership, the evangel of the new gospel of National Altruism, the light-bearer to all the continents and the islands of the sea. That new power, nay that power already manifest, need I name it! Archbishop Ireland says American hearts quiver loving it.

"My country, 'tis of thee,
Sweet land of liberty,

Of thee I sing."

The Christian world is coming more and more to realize that nations have moral duties. The role of the Samaritan is not alone for individuals. Justice Brewer, of the Supreme Court of the United States, is right in saying that "a nation is a great moral entity, expressing in its life the sum of all the moral obligations which rest upon its individual citizens, and there may be times and circumstances when humanity calls upon it to look beyond dollars and cents, beyond personal sacrifices, and lend its exertions to succor other nations and peoples from tyranny, oppression and cruelty. There is a duty that strength owes to weakness, an obligation that civilization is under to barbarism. That the United States are sensible to this duty and obligation denotes the progress of the altruistic ideal in our national life. It has been well said by another, "The appeal that determines duty is the cry of need; and duty, not ambition, is to write the story of the century just dawning." It does not follow that we should become a knight-errant in quest of adventure, and imagine ourselves the general righter of wrongs and redresser of grievances among

nations, but we are to meet obligations when imposed upon us. We must not shirk a manifest duty, or we will miss our manifest destiny. It has been humorously suggested that the good Samaritan was not on the road to Jericho looking for a job when he found a robbed and beaten brother by the wayside. He was attending to his own business when circumstances threw in his way the opportunity to succor his brother.

When we see that the development of humanitarian feeling has characterized the most advanced races, been a part of their progress, and a constituent in their glory; when we note how sensible we have become that this is an ethical world, a divine universe, God's workshop, in which the moral law is as unfailing as the law of gravitation in this material world; when we see that the universal hope is that this republic may be placed on a foundation of righteousness, where the ages will not prevail against it; that it may become the foremost nation in recognizing that equity, justice and humanity are the winning forces of civilization, the moral tradewinds of the universe, we may well inquire what is the purpose of this altruistic development in connection with the tendency to expansion which American civilization exhibits. Is there not a warrant for the assumption that the United States have a mission to guide this force of altruistic feeling to beneficent ends in the amelioration and civilization of the inferior peoples within the sphere of our influence?

The initial movement against the Spanish power in Cuba was inspired by the grandest purpose that ever moved a nation to arms. We struck the blow in the name of liberty, justice and humanity. We took the sword to redress the wrongs of others, not our own, and gave the world a sublime illustration of how nations as well as men in their ascent pass from the plane of the struggle for their own lives to that of the struggle for the lives of others, from self-regarding to other-regarding motives, a distinctly higher level. Service for others at the call of humanity is the noblest exercise of power and marks the highest outlook of national purpose and conscience.

From this point of view the war with Spain appears to be unexampled in history, not alone in its origin, but in its results as well; and if our expectations

are not disappointed, it cannot fail to be regarded by the dispassionate judgment of mankind, as far as the United States are concerned, as one of the few totally disinterested, stainless, and wholly virtuous acts recorded in the history of the race. It may sound like rhapsody, but it is not, when Edward Everett Hale declares that in one hundred days God has set forward the civilization of the world one hundred years."

I have no doubt that even this extravagant hope will be, in a large measure, realized if we have the nerve to embrace our opportunity, and the heroism to meet manfully the duties and responsibilities which the results of the war impose. If the same elevated purpose and altruistic spirit shall characterize the last as gave just renown to the first act of the drama, immeasurable good will come to ourselves, to the inferior peoples involved, and to mankind. To ourselves in raising our Republic into prominence as a coequal with the great world powers, and making it a conspicuous factor in the world problems which loom in the near future, giving us that influential place among nations which belongs to a people who stand distinctly for freedom, humanity, justice, progress-the essential principles of western civilization. To the people of the islands of the sea in their gradual instruction in the art of right living and in the principles of just government, in having planted among them the essential spirit of American institutions, education, law, order, industry, commerce and selfcontrol. To all mankind in the impetus it will give to the development of those principles and qualities which are the product of the ethical system on which Christian civilization is founded, and which have, through the ages and by the rivalries of races, advanced toward that altruistic ideal which is the goal toward which humanity has tended from the beginning.

This would be the realization of the dream of patriots and the aspiration of statesmen, that our country through its social, commercial and political influence should become the means of diffusing civilization among the backward peoples in the Oceanic spaces to the west of us, as well as those on the shores of Asia. Senator Seward fifty years ago expressed the hope that the ripening civilization of the west would in its circuit of the world meet and mingle with the declining civi

lization of the east; and that a new and more perfect civilization would arise to bless the earth under the sway of our own cherished and beneficent institutions.

That the situation is one we did not see from the beginning does not lessen our responsibility. It is characteristic of important enterprises to lead to results not contemplated in the initial steps. It is a maxim of diplomacy that "no war ever left a nation where it found it." Events, moved by a higher guidance than our own, have led us into the present situation and I am sure the ethical warrant, the humanitarian motive, and the altruistic spirit of our undertaking set the compass that points the way we are to go. Indeed it is not too much to say that the obligations of duty toward mankind as well as toward the people who have been brought within the sphere of our influence and our future usefulness imperiously demand that we hold and defend our title to the possession and sovereignty of the Philippines until we have fully accomplished the moral purpose which inspired our undertaking in the beginning and rounded out the noble destiny upon which we are just entering.

That some rough surgery may become necessary, as Colonel Roosevelt suggests, must not deter us from a manifest duty. We had some rough surgery in our country in coercing a portion of our own people to acquiesce in the government of the Union. We must undergo this ordeal if necessity imposes it in any portion of our wide domain. We have never shrunk from it in the past and never will in the future. That our way is beset with dangers no one doubts, but these must be incentives, not deterrents. It may be as Judge Grosscup suggests, that a providential hand, gloved in the smoke of battle, is leading us out of our isolation on to a moral elevation where we can see more clearly the pointing of the finger of duty and destiny, and from which a wider outlook will open a view of the way we are to advance as the evangel of liberty, the messenger of civilization and hope to the inhabitants of our new possessions.

The ratification of the peace treaty has made us responsible for law and order in the Philippines before all the world. The United States being in legitimate posession are in honor and good morals bound to hold control in trust for civilization and discharge the duties which dominion

and responsibility impose. This obligation we solemnly assumed when we destroyed Spanish authority and accepted a cession of Spain's title and sovereignty. We are morally bound to provide them with the best government their condition will admit of. This duty can not be performed by leaving the people to govern themselves in any way they can. We must teach them the ways of good government. We must make conditions favorable to the growth of intelligence, integrity and honest living. We must teach them self-control, obedience to law, and make them capable of self-government before we abandon them to the tender mercies of mercenary adventurers, unscrupulous military leaders, or to become a casus belli to involve the world in war. The national honor is involved in the manner in which we fulfill these responsible obligations. The eyes of the world are upon us, and for the character of our conduct and the elevation of our principles we must answer to the deliberate judgment of enlightened Christendom.

There is but one safe path. The conscience of the American people must control our policy and guide its administration. The problem is not how to escape our responsibilities-any coward can solve such a problem-but how to meet them; not how to use these new possessions for our own benefit, but for their own and the world's. We have duties to the weal of the human race. What we do may give a facility to commerce, a stimulus to shipbuilding, an encouragement to intercourse, but that is not enough to justify us. We must find our justification in the higher motives of liberty, humanity, justice duties we owe the people who have by the fortunes of war come under our protection-and the more sacrifice we make in discharging them the greater the glory that redounds to us.

This should be our guiding principle, for in it is lodged the power and potency of the humanitarian purpose in our Eastern policy. The government we set up must be for the benefit of the people governed, not the government that will conduce most to the benefit of the United States, nor to some fraction of the people of the islands, or to the revolutionary, adventurous and ambitious leaders, but to the body of the people who inhabit the islands. Their peace, happiness, growth, education and civilization are

the first objects of our solicitude, and all the agencies employed should bend to these beneficent ends.

The government of an inferior race is a trust, and the ruling and protecting people must never forget that they are in the position of trustees and bound like them to serve the objects of the trust. I agree with Dr. Lyman Abbott that to attempt to govern these islands for our own benefit exclusively, to utilize them for our trade, and exploit them for our commercial advantage merely, would be to re-enact the folly, if not to repeat the crime, of Spain. And any such attempt, however disguised, the patriotism and conscience of the American people should promptly repudiate and condemn.

These high considerations must be our guide in the oceanic policy we are about entering upon. No maxims of prudence, no considerations of economy, no sordid purpose can stand in the way of those ethical principles which alone afford justification for our new departure. We enter upon no unholy rivalry for the possessions of others. We have no adversary in all the world to which the old threat can be applied, "Delenda est Carthago." Dr. Abbott expresses the full scope of our purpose-to put an end to foreign tyranny, to terminate domestic anarchy, to establish the foundations of just and stable government and build the superstructure as fast and as far as the conditions of population make it possible.

We seek to destroy no country that we may rear an empire upon its ruins. We propose only to take care of our own possessions and protect and safeguard the weak and defenceless until they are capable of self-government. We will be a knight of chivalry among nations, bringing valor, heroism and statesmanship to the rescue of the victims of oppression and wrong, and teaching the world that liberty and law, right and justice shall be lords paramount within the sphere of American influence.

In carrying forward our new and enlarged policy, which is made necessary by the new relations in which we stand to the world, and the new obligations to humanity and civilization we have assumed, we propose cultivating peaceful relations with all the world. We are advancing according to the higher altruistic law governing the development of States and nations and the growth of empire; we are moving in harmony with

that providential order by which all races are to come under the reign of a higher social regime. We are fulfilling the prophecy of the "Old Gray Poet," written forty years ago :

"I am the chanter; I chant the world on my western sea;

I chant copious the islands beyond, thick as stars in the sky;

I chant the new Empire, greater than any before, as in a vision it comes to me;

I chant America, the mistress; I chant a greater supremacy;

I chant, projected, a thousand blooming cities yet in time on those groups of sea islands; I chant my sailships and steamships threading the archipelago;

I chant my stars and stripes fluttering in the wind;

I chant commerce opening, the sleep of ages having done its work, races reborn, refreshed."

I accept the thought of Henry Wilson, uttered a quarter of a century ago in the Senate of the United States, when he said: "I believe, sir, that every race God has made is capable of improvement, of civilization, of elevation, of Christianity, whether they dwell in the temperate or tropical regions of the earth. I believe Christian civilization will not be limited to lines of latitude, but will make the tour of the globe, lifting up all races and conditions of men. . . . I have undoubting faith that every portion of this globe is to be the home of civilized man.'

This, I believe, is the goal toward which the moral forces of this divine universe, the beneficent Power in and over all, is certainly tending. The poet hath seen it and foretold it in the lines of Sir Lewis Morris :

"There shall come from out this noise of strife and groaning

A broader and a juster brotherhood; A deep equality of aim, postponing

All selfish seeking to the general good. There shall come a time when each shall to another

Be as Christ would have him, brother unto brother.

There shall come a time when brotherhood

In this majestic march from height to height of world beneficence we must not forget that America can only establish the legitimacy of her title to that leadership which belongs to the Englishspeaking people by so minding her footsteps and guarding her action that every page of our annals will reveal elevation of mind, rectitude of purpose, integrity of principles and supremacy of conscience, thus certifying to all the world that we are moving on the everlasting lines of equity, truth, humanity and liberty, following the foreshadowings of the ethical method of God in human history.

If we adhere to these principles and aspire to these higher ideals; if we cultivate not a spirit of vain-glory or aggression, but rather, as James Bryce suggests, of pride and joy in the extension of our language, our literature, our laws, our institutions, our commerce, over the vast spaces of the earth and the islands of the sea, with a sense of the splendid opportunities and solemn responsibilities that extension carries with it, and if we remember at all times what it is the

primal duty of Americans never to forget:

"That man is more than nature, that wisdom is more than glory, that virtue is more than dominion of the sea, and that justice is the supreme good," then will the next triumph of Americanism be equal to former ones, and the latest jewel in the diadem of American glory rival the earlier ones in royal splendor.

"Dear country mine: this is the prayer we lift. Mayst thou be, O Land, noble and pure as thou art free and strong. So shalt thou lift a light for all the world and for all time and bring the age of peace."

PAINS OF GROWING.

THE putting on immortality by mor

of a larger world about the lesser one, the finer adjustment of the soul to two worlds which are never wholly harmonious, is accomplished through works, sorrows, visions, and experiences which are never free from pain. The way of life is always the way of the Cross, because the possession of every higher perception involves the loss of a lower one, the gaining of every new conception of love the going of something dear and sweet and familiar, the forming of every spiritual tie the