tention. He stooped down and looked quizzically at the writing for a moment, and then turned away with a puzzled grunt-muttering to himself in his own native gibberish. Possibly, when he saw the letters, the poor Indian vaguely regretted his inability to read, but even had the power been given him this morning, his understanding would have received little light. The legend on the board simply read: "KILD BI KINDNESS." And in smaller characters at the extreme foot of the board: "IT WUS THE EZIEST WAY." WINTER. Congealed and dead, of heat devoid and life, Triumph of life o'er frost! Yet me doth please Toronto, Feb. 6th, 1895. REUBEN BUTCHART. THE NEWSPAPERS OF NEWFOUNDLAND. BY J. F. MORRIS FAWCETT. ONE of the most striking features of the latter half of the nineteenth century is undoubtedly the rapid advance of Socialism. The term Socialism is used with very various significance; there are those who understand by it a desire for the general welfare of mankind: while many recognize but a slight distinction between a socialist and an anarchist. Probably the latter significance is the one most generally accepted, and this is, of course, owing to the fact that the name of Socialist has been adopted by the most unscrupulous ruffians in every civilized country. Let me, then, say, that in making use of the term, I intend the higher kind of Socialism-the reverse of the system of laissez faire-in fact, paternal government under a new name. Most governments now recognize it as their duty to undertake the education of the people, and this is Socialism in a mild form. Now, the object of education is not merely to enable people to earn a livelihood-they might do that, as they have done for ages past, without any knowledge of letters the true object of education is to enlarge and elevate the mind. And if it is the duty of a State to teach its people to read, it is, surely, also its duty to see that they have access to literature of an elevating character, and to prohibit the publication of all that is degrading. The English Government discharges this duty, to some extent, by the Public Libraries' Act and the Government of France has lately passed a law for the regulation of the Press. But the colonies are considerably behind the countries of Europe in this matter, and England's oldest colony, of which I wish to say a few words, is, perhaps, the furthest behind of all. It is the boast of the "Fourth Estate" all the world over, that it is a power in the land; that some newspapers can make or mar a Ministry, and that the public journals are welcomed in those dilapidated habitations where the Sovereign may not enter. All this is very true; the influence of the Press for good or evil is enormous. Is it not, then, the duty of Government to see that this influence is exercised for good? The newspapers, to a large proportion of the population, form the only literature, and, therefore, it is an aspiration of Socialism of the highest order to maintain a healthy tone in the daily literature which is in everyone's hands. For Government exercises its authority to prevent the adulteration of food, and there can, therefore, be no good reason why it should not endeavour to preserve purity in the newspapers, which are the only intellectual food which a large number of people are able to obtain. It will be seen that it is against the license, not the liberty, of the press, that these remarks are directed, for the freedom of the press would be no more impaired by the intervention of the State than is that of trade by the adulteration laws. In Newfoundland the press does, and has done for many years past, incalculable harm; and the injury is two-fold, for not only has it a debasing influence on the people, but it blights the reputation of the colony abroad. The Government makes an education grant, and there are very few, if any, of the last two generations who are unable to read. But in St. John's there is no free library, and, with the exception of American paper-covered of the Government is appointed a editions of modern novels, books are governor of the Savings' Bank, and the very dear, and often difficult to get. Opposition paper immediately warns In the outports-that is to say all the the public that deposits are not safe settlements round the coast-books in his hands. The terms liar, thief, are not obtainable. English papers traitor, scoundrel, to say nothing of very seldom find their way to these such expressions as "boodler" and remote places, and when they do, are "hoodlum," with the exact significance of no great interest to people who of which, I confess, I am not acquainthave never been out of Newfound- ed, may be seen in any paper you land. The only literature, then, that may happen to pick up. the great majority of Newfoundlanders ever see is the production of the local press, and since these papers are sold for one cent., and are transmitted free through the post office, they are read by all. It is a well known fact that people of limited education have a great respect for, and often implicitly believe, what they see in print. Thus, incitement to riot and insurrection, and to class-hatred, together with disloyal sentiments, the foulest libels and the grossest slanders, are scattered broadcast over the land, and greedily devoured by people who have absolutely nothing else to read, and whose intelligence is not, perhaps, of the highest order. We are apt to assume that the newspapers reflect more or less the character of the community, and in the case of Newfoundland such an assumption would not be entirely without justification, for the people are very much to blame in the matter. In the case of libel, it is next to impossible to obtain a verdict, unless the complainant can show that he has thereby suffered pecuniary loss. It is therefore to be concluded that Newfoundland juries consider loss of money a far more serious matter than loss of character. Of course, in all places large allow ance inust be made to the press during elections. When political feeling runs high, even the most respectable papers often become violent, and, not infrequently, personal. But the stock-intrade of the St. John's papers is personal abuse of the most unscrupulous nature, and both public and private persons are alike assailed. In Newfoundland there is, properly speaking, no politics; neither party has any political principles worthy the name: it is merely a matter of "ins" and "outs." The mercantile party is called "Tory" by its opponents, who take to themselves the name of "Liberal." The so-called Liberal party in the House of Assembly consists principally of lawyers. In all places, the interests of capital and labour are, to some extent, identical; there are cases, of course, where legislation, for instance, in the inter est of capitalists, would not be proportionally beneficial to labour, and vice versa. But it is undoubtedly true that capital and labour cannot be in conflict with advantage to either, and this fact is especially remarkable in Newfoundland, which, in economic matters, is far behind the rest of the empire, it being one of the few places where the truck system still exists. But The merchant gives the fisherman supplies in advance. The fisherman then goes a-fishing. At the end of the season, a certain portion of the catch belongs to the owner of the schooner, and the remainder to the crew. the crew have already had supplies from the merchant, which are now paid for in fish, and the balance. the amount of which, of course, depends on the catch, is generally sold to the merchant in exchange for supplies for the winter, cash playing, usually, a very small part in the transactions. Now, what is the course taken by the "Liberal" press in this connection? A member It is this. It instils into the minds of the fishermen, in season and out of season, that they are at the mercy of a hard-hearted set of merchants whose sole object in life is to amass wealth by grinding the faces of the poor that they are robbed continually and systematically by these bad men. It will easily be believed that the fishermen are not averse to crediting such statements, and the result is too often lamentable. The fisherman comes, hat in hand, to the merchant, and humbly solicits supplies for his wife and little ones. Obtaining these, he sails away to the fisheries. Is he not the victim of a brutal, blood-sucking merchant? Certainly; the papers said so. Is he to toil and slave for such a monster? Certainly not. He will catch what he can, without over-exertion. He is fond of cash, and not averse to rum, and so some of the fish is transferred to the first foreign vessel he falls in with, in exchange for one or other of these commodities. Now, I do not wish to be understood to imply that the merchant is a model of philanthropy, or that he grants supplies at "the lowest cash prices," but, it must be remembered, that he grants them in advance, and takes the risk of bad seasons. The truck system is undoubtedly rotten, and is injurious to both merchant and fisherman. But what I do assert, and that without fear of contradiction, is, that no good end can be gained by the press teaching the fishermen to regard the merchants as their natural enemies, and this is what the "Liberal" press of Newfoundland endeavours to do, day by day, and year by year. Under the mask of sympathy for the fishermen, it strives by all means, fair occasionally, foul usually, to stir up, for political purposes, bitter feelings of hatred between the two great classes in the colony. From the literary point of view, the merits of the Newfoundland papers are of the smallest. Huge type, capitals and italics (to borrow from Ma caulay) do duty for eloquence. Their "leaders" are rather violent than clever. It is the general practice to fill up vacant spaces with anonymous letters on various topics, most frequently criticisms (. e. virulent abuse) of Government officials, from the Governor down to the humblest constable or tide-waiter. a In addition to these, there is always serial novel, generally of the "penny dreadful" order. Good taste is perhaps a minor matter, but it may be well to illustrate the delicacy shown by one of the journals. A leading merchant of St. John's sending out invitations for a fancy dress ball, of course an entirely private affair, the Telegram suggested that he was giving this party in hopes of the dress materials being bought at his shop. Such impertinent remarks on private persons, respecting private affairs, are only too common. It is a relief to be able to say that there is one good paper in the colony. The Royal Gazette is a production which would do credit to any community, but, unfortunately, it is only a weekly publication with a small circulation. To those who are not familiar with these newspapers, the remarks that have been made may seem too severe, and some of the statements almost incredible, and I feel that anyone putting such forward should be able to give chapter and verse. The Evening Telegram, on 30th May, 1894, contained a libel on the late Premier, which probably exceeded in vileness anything previously published in the colony. I refrain from giving the extract, which is not fit for anyone to read; suffice it to say that it referred to an alleged assault. The following verses are from the same paper, which is the mouth-piece of the Liberal, or "Workingman's party, and were published prior to the last general election. The names are those of some of the leading men in the colony : vain, Of writing the manifesto. "All right, said Munroe, I hate him, too; He's the bossest liar that ever I knew; But 'tis lies we want, and 'tis lies will do: He shall write the manifesto. "What that document is we all know well; 'Tis a tissue of lies, as false as H-11; "Twill deceive no one except themsell That signed the manifesto." Incitement to riot has been mentioned. In June, 1894, when, owing to the unseating of the Liberal party for bribery and corruption, the Government was in an abnormal condition, the Evening Telegram openly urged all importers to go to the wharf, and seize goods without payment of duty; and, following this advice, a mob attempted to do so on June 14th, but were unsuccessful, and the riot was put down. During the present financial crisis, the Liberal Government obtained a loan from the Bank of Montreal. The following paragraph, in large print, appeared in the Evening Herald, the paper which supports the Tory party (January 7th, 1895): "Workingmen! Think of this. The Silvia yesterday brought two hundred thousand dollars ($200,000) to pay the Government officials their salaries. Bread-winners, why should this be? Why must you, with hun gry wives and perishing children, starve, while wealthy, purse-proud "hangers-on 2 have ruined you!! Talk about loyalty! How can you expect us to be loyal when we are treated with the utmost cruelty? Do you want us to kiss the hand that wields the rod? Ask us why Poland is not loyal to Russia, and we will tell you why the people of Newfoundland prefer Annexation to the condition of a Crown Colony !" Such words would, under any circumstances, be unworthy of Britons, but, considering that Newfoundland, the oldest English colony, is the first self-governing community that has ever made such an appeal, and that it has been necessitated by the incapacity of its people to manage their own affairs, a little humility would certainly be more becoming. |