THE author of Lucile-poet, statesman and diplomatist-was, in private life, a most charming man. His man

ner

A

was engaging. He was frank and sympathetic. Travel, and a public career abroad, had done much for an impressionable nature. He was a good linguist, and familiar with the literatures of Spain, France, Italy, Russia, and the far East. In an unobtrusive way, he drew, in conversing with his friends-and he was a very agreeable talker-on the vast resources of a mind which much reading and observation had enriched. Tory of the old school, he was, at times, apt to take a gloomy view of things, and to imagine that his country was losing her status among the nations. But of his sterling patriotism there never could be any doubt. Of course, the Irish Question distressed him, and he could never be brought to feel that from the establishment of Home Rule peace would come and the difficulty of centuries would cease. In looking over a packet of letters which he had written to me, a few years ago, in which he discussed, in a brief way, the questions of the hour, I thought, perhaps, that his opinions might be fouud interesting, even at this date, for matters have not materially changed since they were put on

paper. The Irish Question and Russia's attitude in the East are still engaging public attention, and there is yet much left to say before those problems can be solved. I have selected five of these letters, written so unreservedly, from Lord Lytton's delightful home at Knebworth, where the author was occupying his leisure hours in writing the biography of his father and completing, in six books, the beautiful poem of Glenaveril, which, however, the public did not accept with the readiness with which Lucile was welcomed and is still received.

This letter, dated 6th April, 1885, refers to India's financial and military position-a subject on which the exviceroy of that great empire could speak with the voice of authority. It also deals the British Government a blow on the Soudan episode and the Empire's relations towards Russia.

nor do I think there is any chance of its improvement. It is difficult to understand the practical object for which our Government is still fighting in the Soudan, after it has surrendered (with the assent of Parliament), to the European powers, all possibility of predominant English influence in Egypt. As regards our relations with Russia, my impression is that, after a good deal of talk, the Russians will quietly remain where they are upon Afghan territory, and that the English Cabinet will then discover numerous reasons for persuading itself and the country that this is the most satisfactory solution of the matter. The fact is, we are quite isolated in Europe, and in spite of the swagger in our press about India springing to arms, the Russians must be well aware that our Indian army is too weak even for its functions as a permanent peace garrison, and that the finances of India cannot support a great increase in her military expenditure. The only satisfactory event of this year has been the offer of military assistance from the Colonies, which has, I really think, been gratefully appreciated by the Home pub

The next letter, which is exceedingly valuable, gives us the key to the gravitation of the moderate Liberals to the Conservative camp which practically ended in the formation of the Liberal-Unionist party-an organization still strong and influential in Imperial politics. The situation in Scotland over Church Disestablishment, the anarchy developing in the Liberal party, and the position of the agricultural laborer, and his possible future, are touched on in & most clear and convincing manner. The agricultural laborer, Lord Lytton thought,

would ultimately land in the Radical Camp.

"KNEBWORTH, 12 July, 1885.

"I have to thank you for your letter of the 13th, and the very interesting packet of maps which accompanied it. I should have done so sooner, but that I only returned from the continent in the thick of the late ministerial crisis which has been pregnant with prolonged preoccupations. The mind of the multitude must always be a mystery, and no one can predict, with any approach to certainty, the result of the next general election. But my own impression is that the new ministry, which has started well, and is gaining ground daily, has a very fair chance of longevity. The anarchy in the Liberal camp is profound, and the no longer reconcilable differences between Whigs and Radicals render impossible, in any case, a revival of the late Gladstone cabinet, or the replacement of the present cabinet by one of similarly composite character. The moderate Liberals are beginning to perceive that their support of the Salisbury administration offers the only chance of rescuing the country and themselves from an ultraRadical régime, of which they are seriously afraid, and which would certainly destroy the last rem: ant of their influence as a political party. The gravitation of this large section of the Liberals towards the Conservative camp has already begun, and you will find the first public indication of it in the Duke of Argyll's speech of last Friday. In Scotland, which has hitherto been the Liberal stronghold, the Liberal party is menaced with disruption on the Church Question. Most of its candidates are committed to the disestablishment of the Scotch church a very powerful body which commands a majority in almost every Scotch constituency, and if this question comes to the front at the election, I think it not improbable that the Conservatives will carry every Scotch

seat. It is difficult to guess how the new agricultural voter will go. My impression is that in Scotland his vote will be mainly Conservative, and in England, mainly Radical. Eventually, I do not doubt that the agricultural laborers will constitute a distinct accession of strength to the Radical party. But I do not think they are yet sufficiently organized for their vote to tell much one way or the other on the result of the next election. In the large towns, Conservatism is certainly growing. And if, between this and next November, Lord Salisbury can effect an appreciable improvement in the condition of our foreign relations, I think he is not at all unlikely to secure a majority in the next Parliament. But all these calculations may be upset by the failure of the very hazardous experiment on which the new Cabinet has ventured by its decision not to renew the Irish Crimes Act.

"Yours very sincerely,

"LYTTON."

In the letter which follows, we have a very fair portrait of that brilliant, original, but erratic statesman, Lord Randolph Churchill. His career has justified Lord Lytton's words. Office was irksome to him, and the "big herd of tame elephants" failed to sweeten a life which constantly chafed under restraint. In this letter also, we get a word or two about Glenaveril, which was then progressing, and a line about the author's life of his father, two volumes only, of which, however, were ever published-a positive loss to the biographical literature of our time, for every chapter betrayed good work. It will be remembered that in 1885, Lord Lyons, once Minister at Washington, which Sir Julian Pauncefote describes as one of the most beautiful cities in the world, was British Ambassador at Paris. Failing health prompted some of his friends to say that he would likely retire from that responsible post, at an early day, and

Lord Lytton was mentioned as his possible successor. There was really no truth in the rumor, at that time.

In 1854, Lord Lytton was attaché at the Embassy at Paris, and after a career at the Hague, St. Petersburg, Constantinople, Vienna, Copenhagen, Athens, and Lisbon, he returned to the French Capital, in 1872, as Secretary of the Embassy. Lord Lyons died in office, December 4th, 1887, and the Salisbury Government immediately appointed Lord Lytton to succeed him. The latter died at Paris, in 1891.

"KNEBWORTH HOUSE, STEVENAGE, "13 Aug., 1885.

"Many thanks for your letter of the 31st July.

"In all you say about our political situation at home, I generally agree. Lord Randolph has conspicuous ability, without much ballast. Office, however, is a great soberer, and at the India office, he is surrounded by a big herd of tame elephants, who, I hope, will keep him straight on Indian affairs. His budget speech was a very able one, tho' its condemnation of Lord Ripon's financial administration

which was fully deserved—would, I think, have been more effective had the tone of it been less personal.

"Will Riel be hanged? There was no truth in the report you heard about my succeeding Lord Lyons, whose term of service is not yet expired.

"I think the 3rd and 5th books of Glenaveril will probably please you better than the two first.

"I have been much interrupted in the completion of my biography of my father, and have not yet published any more of it. I start next week for Switzerland with Lady Lytton. "Yours very truly,

"LYTTON."

In the letter, dated September 29th, there is a pleasant and touching allusion to the author's firm and unvarying friend, Archdeacon Farrar,

who was my guest during his stay in Quebec, but it deals mainly with the Irish question, and shows the trend of Conservative public opinion regarding local self-government in Ireland, and the possible consequences of such a step. On this topic, Lord Lytton held very strong and pronounced views. His presentation of the situation, at that period, based as it is on the standpoint of party, is most instructive and full of interest. The allusion to Chansons Popul tires may not be understood in the United States. The book is a collection of songs in the French language, sung in Quebec province, principally borrowed from old France, and collected by Mr. Ernest Gagnon. Lord Lytton, in a later letter, again expressed his delight at receiving the volume:

"KNEBWORTH HOUSE, STEVENAGE, "Sept. 29, 1885.

Many thanks for your interesting letter of the 5th September, which reached me amongst the glaciers of Bel Alp. I am greatly pleased with what little I have yet been able to read of the volume of Chansons Populaures you have so kindly sent me.

Pray, if he is still with you when you get this letter, remember me most affectionately to Archdeacon Farrar. I sincerely trust that he will not only enjoy his visit to Canada, but gain by its refreshment from the fatiguing effects of the incessant work of all fects of the incessant work of all

kinds to which his life at home is so actively and conscientiously devoted.

"We are here awaiting, with a curiosity more or less anxious, the result of the coming election, and whatever may be the result of it, its character seems likely to resemble that of the elections in France, where it is antici pated that the Opportunists will be left without any locus st indi between the avowed Conservatives and the advanced Radicals. The Irish policy proclaimed by Mr. Chamberlain seems to me to go to a point which, if reached, would render the union so intoler

able that it could not be much longer maintained.

"I have always thought that there is one form of Home Rule which would be even worse than Irish independence, and that is a local government for Ireland which would systematically oppress the Protestants and the landlords, and yet constitutionally empowered to call upon the whole force of the United Kingdom to back it up in all its measures.

"The Bulgarian revolution has made a splash in very turbid and dirty waters, which, if the diplomatists fail to prevent their overflow may throw the whole of Europe into a considerable mess.

"With kind regards to Mrs. Stewart, "Yours truly,

"LY ITON."

The fifth letter has a remark on my monograph on Count Frontenac, twice. Governor of Canada, under the French

régime, and an appreciative note about Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, whose satischairman of the Fisheries Commission, factory mission to Washington, as will be remembered. The treaty which resulted from this conference was signed in 1888. Lord Lytton discusses the political condition of things in Ireland, as usual, and praises and firmness of Mr. Balfour, then beunstintedly the ability, fearlessness ginning a career which has placed him in the front rank of Conservative in the front rank of Conservative statesmen. Lord Lytton writes forcibly of the events of the day, as he understands them, and events have, in some measure, sustained his predictions.

"KNEBWORTH, 26 Oct., 1887.

"I must apologize for not having sooner thanked you for your letter of the 27th August. But I wished before doing so to read the monograph on Frontenac, which you were so good as to send me with it. I was absent when the monograph reached Knebworth, and did not return here till some weeks later. During my ab