Grotius, are shown to have adopted the same opinion. Perhaps Bucer's doctrines respecting this question, may have been not a little influenced in writing to Edward VI. by the conduct of that monarch's father. In the postscript to this pamphlet, the author quits for ever the camp of the presbyterian party,

"whom mutual league,

United thoughts and councils, equal hope

And hazard in the glorious enterprise,
Joined with him once!"

His fourth and last work relating to divorce, was his "Colasterion," a reply to a nameless answer to his first work on this doctrine, "wherein the trivial author of that answer is discovered, the licenser conferred with, and the opinion, which they traduce, defended." The dull but malicious adversary was taken under the special patronage of Caryl, the licenser, author of the Commentary on Job, for which he is sharply rebuked here, and perhaps more than once referred to in the Areopagitica. In a letter to Leo of Aizema, dated Westminster, Feb. 5, 1654, Milton alludes to this controversy, and, as elsewhere, regrets that he did not publish in Latin.

These treatises are equal to any which he ever wrote. Every page is strewed with felicities, and the mens divinior shines out with a lustre unsurpassed by himself on happier, though not more interesting, themes. "There are many things," saith Sir Thomas Brown, "wherein the liberty of an honest reason may play and expatiate with security, and far without the circle of an heresie."

"I then discussed the principles of education in a summary manner, but sufficiently copious for those who attend seriously to the subject; than which nothing can be more necessary to principle the minds of men in virtue, the only genuine source of political and individual liberty, the only true safeguard of states, the bulwark of their prosperity and

renown."

His tractate "on Education" was published in 1644, the year when he entered into the heart-rending controversy concerning divorce, and it was dedicated to the remarkable individual at whose request it was written. Notwithstanding the sneers of Johnson, and other ushers and schoolmasters, at this noble scheme, we do hope that the country will, at no distant period, realize it. The plan is not for private individuals to attempt to carry into effect; but an enlightened government, with the vast collegiate resources of England at its disposal, might, without injuring existing establishments, place an academical institute on this ideal platform in every county. We may derive pleasure and instruction, from looking at this beautiful and benevolent production, as the history of the great author's own mind, as well as a chart for the guidance of others, and in this point of view it throws light on his character, and enlarges our estimate of his attainments.

In November, 1644, he published the most beautiful of his treatises, the "Arcopagitica; a Speech for the Liberty of unlicensed Printing-to the Parliament of England.” It is well known that the art of printing, soon after its introduction into England, was regulated by the king's proclamations, prohibitions, charters of privilege, and of licence, and finally by the decrees of the star chamber; which limited the number of printers, and of presses, and prohibited new publications unless previously approved by proper licensers. On the demolition of this odious jurisdiction by the ever-to-be-remembered long parliament, this system had been suspended. The presbyterian party, however, determined to revive the "imprimatur" of the star chamber, and it was against one of the orders made for this purpose, that Milton directed this famous argument, modelled after the classical examples of the Greek rhetors. It is thoroughly Grecian-the motto is taken from his favourite Euripides, and happily translated by himself. Having been frequently reprinted separately

in England, and through the French of Mirabeau's tract, "Sur la liberté de la Presse imité de l'Anglais, de Milton," obtained a modern continental celebrity, it is comparatively a popular pamphlet. James Thomson, author of "The Seasons," published an 8vo edition of it in 1738, when the freedom of the press was considered in danger; and in this poet's "Liberty," "the art of printing" is celebrated with elaborate praise. The separate edition of this transcendent pamphlet under the auspicious editorship of Holt White, Esq., is the most correct and valuable which has yet appeared. John Milton was the first man who asserted the liberty of unlicensed printing. The subject called forth all his powers, and he appears to have written every word under the impression, that every word would be weighed and read, not only by the statesmen whom he addressed, but by those of succeeding ages. Its importance, and the most illustrious tribunal before which he pleaded, never daunted him, but while he approached the august assemblage with the mien and countenance of a freeman, his discourse is at once rhetorical and deliberative, blending the fire of the orator with the wisdom of the sage. The "quid decet" is most admirably observed. He was pleading before no rabble-the greatest geniuses for government which the world ever saw, were the arbiters of his eloquence :-men who had been triumphant in battle, and were mighty in council. The vehemence, the disdain, the terrible wrath of controversy, disappear, and in their stead we have such an exquisite union and interpenetration of the sublime and the pathetic, of the passionate and the rationative, of persuasion and argument, of subdued ecstasy and sober energy, of religion, and philosophy, and policy, all involved in a copious stream of such a wonderful language, as never before, and certainly never since, poured from the lips of ancient or of modern oratory. With the exception of the historical digressions, it is perhaps faultless, and they will be excused, when it is remembered that he stood alone, and, as Bacon said of Luther, he was obliged in his solitude to make a party of antiquity against his own time.

In the outset of the Areopagitica, he expresses the "joy and gratulation which it brings to all who wish to promote their country's liberty," to approach them-he tells them that "when complaints are fully heard, deeply considered, and speedily reformed, then is the utmost bound of civil liberty attained,”—that in permitting him to address them, it was evident that they are "in good part arrived to this complete point," and attributes praise to God, and next to "their faithful guidance and undaunted wisdom," he craves leave to refer to his eulogium on their first acts as a proof that he estimates their merits, and that the present occasion demonstrates his fidelity, as the former did "his loyalest affection and his hope."-He appears before them to tell them "that it would fare better with truth, with learning, and the commonwealth, if one of their published orders were called in,"—that it would prove that they are more pleased with "public advice" than other statists with "public flattery,"-" that men will then see the difference between the magnanimity of a triennial parliament, and that jealous haughtiness of prelates and cabin councillors, that usurped of late, whereas they shall observe them in the midst of their victories and successes, more quietly brooking written exceptions against a voted order, than other courts," "the least signified dislike of any sudden proclamation." He is thus imboldened " to presume upon the meek demeanour of their civil and gentle greatness,"-and by the consideration that in ancient days men who professed the study of wisdom and eloquence, though private, were heard gladly," if they had ought in public to admonish the state," he would be " thought not so inferior to any of those who had this privilege, as the parliament was superior to the most of them who received their counsel ;"-" and how far you excel them, be assured, lords and commons, there can no greater testimony appear than when your prudent spirit acknowledges and obeys the voice of reason from what quarter soever it be heard speaking; and renders ye as willing to repeal any act of your own setting forth, as any set forth by your predecessors." But analysis is impossible. The topics which he urges embrace the

whole controversy, and are exhausted. The collateral excursions from the main positions of his argument are, as usual, profoundly instructive, and incomparably beautiful. Toleration of all opinions is the grand centre to which all the lines of illustration and of exposition point, and in which they all harmoniously meet. The bare question of licensing is apparently a dry one-but his digressions embrace a most comprehensive circuit. The Areopagitica is a fine illustration of that wonderful aggressive vigour, by which the author's possession of the most inconsiderable position becomes a key to the most splendid conquest-the pass of triumph-the punctum saliens, whence,

It is John Milton's masterpiece.

in mighty quadrate join'd Of union irresistible, move on In silence his bright legions.

This was his last work under the division of civil liberty, and he thus writes of it: Lastly, I wrote my Areopagitica, on the model of a set speech, in order to relieve the press from the restraints with which it was encumbered; that the power of determining what was true, and what was false, what ought to be published, and what to be suppressed, might no longer be intrusted to a few illiterate and illiberal individuals, who refused their sanction to any work which contained views or sentiments at all above the level of the vulgar superstition."

It was not till the year 1694, that the press was properly free. The office of licenser was abolished during the usurpation of Cromwell.

"On the last species, or civil liberty I said nothing; because I saw that sufficient attention was paid to it by the magistrates; nor did I write any thing on the prerogative of the crown, till the king, voted an enemy by the parliament, and vanquished in the field, was summoned before the tribunal which condemned him to lose his head. But when at length some presbyterian ministers, who had formerly been the most bitter enemies of Charles, became jealous of the growth of the independents, and of their ascendency in the parliament, most tumultuously clamoured against the sentence, and did all in their power to prevent the execution, though they were not angry, so much on account of the act itself, as because it was not the act of their party; and when they dared to affirm, that the doctrine of the protestants, and of all the reformed churches, was abhorrent to such an atrocious proceeding against kings, I thought that it became me to oppose such a glaring falsehood, and accordingly, without any immediate or personal application to Charles, I shewed, in an abstract consideration of the question, what might lawfully be done against tyrants; and in support of what I advanced, produced the opinions of the most celebrated divines; while I vehemently inveighed against the egregious ignorance or effrontery of men, who professed better things, and from whom better things might have been expected."

66

This first purely political work of Milton's made its appearance some few weeks after the execution of Charles; and was written, as he further informs us, rather to reconcile the minds of men to the event, than to discuss the legitimacy of that particular sentence, which concerned the magistracy, and which was already executed."

Charles's criminality is admitted on all hands, and the only questions relate either to the expediency of the sentence, or the competency of the tribunal which pronounced it. Whatever may be thought of the former question, (and we are of opinion, that the step they took in carrying, against public opinion, even that just sentence, which described the king as "a tyrant, a traitor, a murderer, and a public enemy," into execution, was eventually as fatal to themselves as the royal rebel,) we must remember that the deed was done, and could not be undone, and that therefore the real question was the last one, and this work of Milton's is confined to it. Guilt being proved against the first person in the state, who is

to punish it? This is an abstract question, but upon its determination depends our opinion of the regicide. The following is Milton's proposition, "That it is lawful, and hath been held so through all ages, for any who have the power, to call to account a tyrant, or wicked king, and after due conviction, to depose and put him to death; if the ordinary magistrate have neglected, or denied to do it."--We think that it is successfully maintained. "If such a one there be, by whose commission whole massacres have been committed on his faithful subjects, his provinces offered to pawn or alienation, as the hire of those whom he had solicited to come in and destroy whole cities and countries; be he king, or tyrant, or emperor, the sword of justice is above him; in whose hand soever is found sufficient power to avenge the effusion, and so great a deluge of innocent blood. For if all human power to execute, not accidentally but intendedly, the wrath of God upon evil-doers without exception, be of God; then that power, whether ordinary, or if that fail, extraordinary, so executing that intent of God, is lawful, and not to be resisted." In proof, we have "set down, from first beginning, the original of kings; how and wherefore exalted to that dignity above their brethren; and from thence shall prove, that turning to tyranny they may be as lawfully deposed and punished, as they were at first elected: this I shall do by authorities and reasons, not learnt in corners among schisms and heresies, as our doubling divines are ready to calumniate, but fetched out of the midst of choicest and most authentic learning, and no prohibited authors; nor many heathen, but mosaical, Christian, orthodoxal, and, which must needs be more convincing to our adversaries, presbyterial." Bishop Horsley, having, as we shall see, brought a serious charge against Milton, which the appendix to this work rebuts, we point particular attention to the authorities which Milton has there produced. Milton's next work was " Observations upon the Articles of Peace with the Irish Rebels, on the Letter of Ormond to Colonel Jones, and the Representation of the Scots Presbytery at Belfast."

It is well known that Charles's league with the papists precipitated his ruin. The Irish rebels were (even in their horrid massacre of the protestants) called "the Queen's army." Thirteen days after these Articles of Peace were concluded by his representative in Ireland, the king lost his head. Ireland was now the theatre of the royalist party, and with its rabble of papists, and the little presbytery of Belfast, and the remnant of its cavaliers, presented as motley a spectacle of selfish union for selfish ends as was ever seen. The independent army, and the genius of Cromwell, however, kept them in awe. The lively lieutenant of the martyr, after all his loving " Articles of Agreement" with the murderers of protestants, and the novel friendship that had sprung up between him and the presbyterians, called in bribery to effect what force could not do, and accordingly wrote to Colonel Jones, as Whitelocke says, promising him great rewards to come to his obedience to the king. Ormond's letter is a very sprightly production, and though it had no effect on the veteran to whom he sent it, Milton seems to have been not a little nettled with it. Jones's reply is very characteristic of his party, and of the times. The articles first come under examination, and are soon despatched. Then this letter of Ormond's is spoiled of some of its sprightliness, and of all its haughtiness; and lastly, our author comes "to deal with another sort of adversaries, in show far different, in substance somewhat the same." His remonstrance with the presbyterians is very powerful, and the style of the whole pamphlet is lucid and masculine, and remarkable for great terseness and compression.

"Such were the fruits of my private studies, which I gratuitously presented to the church and to the state; and for which I was recompensed by nothing but impunity; though the actions themselves procured me peace of conscience and the approbation of the good; while I exercised that freedom of discussion which I loved. Others without labour or desert got possession of honours and emoluments, but no one never knew me, either soliciting any thing myself,' or through the medium of my friends; ever beheld me in a supplicating posture, at

the doors of the senate or the levees of the great. I usually kept myself secluded at home, where my own property, part of which had been withheld during the civil commotions, and part of which had been absorbed in the oppressive contributions which I had to sustain, afforded me a scanty subsistence. When I was released from these engagements, and thought that I was about to enjoy an interval of uninterrupted ease, I turned my thoughts to a History of my Country, from the earliest times to the present period."

Of this great undertaking, only six Books, four now, and two afterwards, were completed. They were published in 1670. The four first, referred to in the preceding extract, conduct the narrative to the union of the heptarchy under Edgar, and the remaining two, written subsequently to the Second Defence, bring it down to the battle of Hastings.

In the 1st Book, taking it for granted, that of British affairs, from the first peopling of the island, till the coming of Julius Cæsar, nothing certain either of tradition, history, or ancient fame, hath hitherto been left us, "Nevertheless, seeing that ofttimes relations heretofore accounted fabulous have been after found to contain in them many footsteps and reliques of something true, as what we read in poets of the flood, and giants little believed, till undoubted witnesses taught us, that all was not feigned; I have therefore determined to bestow the telling over even of these reputed tales; be it for nothing else but in favour of our English poets and rhetoricians, who by their art will know how to use them judiciously." And our author is as good as his word; he ransacks Geoffrey Monmouth and his assertors, and thus concludes, "By this time, like one who had set out in his way by night, and travelled through a region of smooth or idle dreams, our history now arrives on the confines, where daylight and truth meet us with a clear dawn, representing to our view, though at a far distance, true colours and shapes." "We can hardly miss from one hand or other, to be sufficiently informed as of things past so long ago." The curious reader will compare this Book with the "Chronicles of Briton Kings" in Spencer's Faery Queene, (book ii. cant. x.) The versions in both are equally close. Milton was particularly fond of British fable. It is well known that he intended to make Prince Arthur the hero of his epic. It yet remains for modern minstrel "to recount in solemn cantos the deeds of knighthood founded by our victorious kings." Spencer's " continued allegory or darke conceit," leaves the field still open. Blackmore promised what he could not, and Dryden what he would not, perform-and where even Southey has failed, who can succeed? The circumstance of Milton's entering so minutely into these tales and fables, shows the extent of his plan, and makes us the more regret that he never completed it.

In the 2nd Book the history is thus continued. "I am now to write of what befel the Britons from fifty and three years before the birth of our Saviour, when first the Romans came in, till the decay and ceasing of that empire; a story of much truth, and for the first hundred years, and somewhat more, collected without much labour." Here he rises into a fine strain of generalization; and then, nothing daunted with the task, he culls our annals from various sources, and the book concludes with the fate of the Western empire. The arrogant Warburton gives the close of this book, "Henceforth we are to steer," &c. as an instance of the surprising grandeur of sentiment and expression into which he sometimes naturally, and without effort, rises. The beginnings and endings of all the books are beautifully written, collecting the rays of the past, and dispersing them, like a tropical sunset, over the future.

The exordium of the 3rd Book will take the reader by surprise, nor will we anticipate the splendid digression which he will meet with, beyond all comparison the most instructive and masterly in the whole range of English history.

The 4th Book is occupied with the transactions of this heptarchy up to its union under Egbert, and after a long and sufficiently minute recital of all their dissensions, he adorns the tale by pointing a solemn warning to his own times.