measures adopted by the administration for its defence. In pursuing this independent course, Mr. Adams incurred the disapprobation of the legis lature of Massachusetts, which, in May, 1808, by a small majority of federal votes, elected another person, as Senator, from the period of the expiration of Mr. Adams's term, and passed resolutions of the nature of instruction to their Senators, containing principles which Mr. Adams disapproved. Choosing neither to act in conformity with these resolutions, nor to represent constituents who had lost their confidence in him, Mr. Adams resigned his place in the Senate of the United States.

It needs not be said that the decided support of a man like Mr. Adams was peculiarly acceptable to the administration at this moment. It was a support given in the dark days of Mr. Jefferson's administration, when England was now acting against the country the part which France had acted ten years before, and when the operation of the restricting system the only measure of resistance, which, in the opinion of the administration, the country could then in prudence adopt ;) had paralyzed the energies of the country, and excited wide spread discontent. It was a support given by an independent statesman, who had borne the name of the opposite party, at a moment when, in addition to all the strength of the federalists, Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison were called to encounter, within the bosom of their own party and their own State, the unexpect ed and perilous defection of men, who had once led the ranks of the republican party, in the House of Representatives; but who now quar relled with Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison, and threw themselves into a course of unsparing and unrelaxing opposition. At this moment of trial, when, besides the honest conflict of opposite parties, Mr. Jefferson was thus pressed by the whole incumbent weight of the British empire, and by a tremendous assault from the ranks of his friends, aiming to embarrass him and supplant Mr. Madison, Mr. Adams came out boldly and manfully in his support.

The retirement of Mr. Adams from the Senate of the United States, although varying the direction, did not abate the activity of his uncommon powers for serving his fellow men. A life of unremitted public occupation had, by virtue of strict method, untiring diligence, and temperate habits, left him leisure to acquire, as a relaxation, a mass of useful learning, which would, in most cases, have been deemed the fruit of a life of literary seclusion. Distinguished as a writer among the best which the country has produced, and as a public speaker, for force, and impressiveness, and senatorial eloquence, not less rare, Mr. Adams was, in 1806, called to the chair of rhetoric and oratory, in the seminary where he received his education, and delivered a course of lectures on the Art of Speaking Well; the most important art to the youth of a free country.

But his country had higher claims upon his services. In June, 1809, he was appointed by Mr. Madison as Minister to Russia. He had the good fortune, here, to acquire the confidence of the Emperor Alexander, who was delighted with the contrast of the republican simplicity of the American Minister with the splendor of the foreign Envoys. He admitted Mr. Adams to a degree of intimacy rarely enjoyed with despotic

monarchs even by their own ministers. This circumstance' laid the foundation of that good-will toward America, on the part of the Emperor Alexander, of which the country has enjoyed, on many occasions, the important fruits. But its first fruit was the most important of all; for it was unquestionably owing to the confidential relation between Mr. Adams and the Emperor, that the mediation of Russia was tendered between England and the United States; a mediation which, though it was declined by England, produced an offer from that country to treat directly, and thus led to peace.

It was for this reason that he was placed by Mr. Madison at the head of the commission of five, by which the treaty of peace was negociated, and which consisted of some of the ablest men in the country. It is unnecessary to speak of the skill, with which that negociation was conducted. Mr. Adams bore a full part in its counsels and labors; and a proportionate share of the credit is due to him, for that cogency and skill which drew from the Marquis of Wellesley, in the British House of Lords, the declaration that, "in his opinion, the American Commissioners had shown the most astonishing superiority over the British, during the whole of the correspondence."

This tribute is the more honorable to Mr. Adams and his colleagues, Mr. Gallatin, Mr. Clay, and their departed associate Mr. Bayard, from the circumstance, that, on every important point, the British Commissioners received special instructions from the Ministry at London, directing the terms in which the American Envoys were to be answered.

Having borne this important part, in bringing the war to a close by an honorable peace, Mr. Adams was employed, in conjunction with Messrs. Clay and Gallatin, in negociating a convention of commerce with Great Britain, on the basis of which our commercial intercourse with that country has been since advantageously conducted. Having been appointed our Minister at London by Mr. Madison, Mr. Adams remain. ed in that place, till the accession of Mr. Monroe to the chair of State. On this occasion, Mr. Monroe, in the formation of his Cabinet, took deliberate counsel with the most prudent and patriotic citizens of the country. Among others the opinion of General Jackson was freely imparted to him. The counsel of this distinguished citizen was expressed, in the following terms: "Every thing depends on the selection of your ministry. In every selection, party and party feelings should be avoided. Now is the time to exterminate that monster, called party spirit. By selecting characters most conspicuous for their probity, virtue, capacity, and firmness, without any regard to party, you will go far, if not entirely, to eradicate those feelings, which on former occasions threw so many obstacles in the way of government, and perhaps have the pleasure and honor of uniting a people heretofore politically divided. The Chief Magistrate of a great and powerful nation should never indulge in party feelings."

He

To this counsel Mr. Monroe felt himself unable to accede. thought that "the association of any of the federal party in the administration would wound the feelings of its friends to the injury of the republican cause." He made known, however, to General Jackson his

design of distributing, as far as possible, the places in the cabinet, throughout the country. "I shall," said he in his letter to General Jackson, of March 1st, 1817, "take a person for the Department of State from the eastward; and Mr. Adams, by long service in our diplo matic concerns appearing to entitle him to the preference, supported by his acknowledged abilities and integrity, his nomination will go to the Senate." In reply to this intimation, General Jackson, in his letter of March 18th, observes: "I have no hesitation in saying, you have made the best selection to fill the Department of State, that could be made. Mr. Adams in the hour of difficulty will be an able helpmate, and I am convinced his appointment will afford general satisfaction." It was with something of prophetic feeling that General Jackson declared in 1817," that Mr. Adams, in the hour of difficulty, would be an able helpmate." It was not a long time before the conduct of General Jackson himself was the subject of solemn investigation before the grand inquest of the nation. The letters of Mr. Adams to the Spanish Minister, justifying the conduct of General Jackson, against the complaints of Spain, came seasonably to the support of this distinguished citizen, and effected the vindication of him against every charge of a violation of the rights of Spain.

In the pursuance of the intimation of Mr. Monroe, as above described, Mr. Adams was called home from England and became Secretary of State. On this arduous office he entered, as General Jackson had foretold that he would, "to the general approbation of the country." He retained the confidence of Mr. Monroe and acquired that of his new colleagues. In reference to all questions of the foreign relations of the country, Mr. Adams was the influential member of the cabinet; and is, consequently, more than any other individual composing it, entitled to the credit of the measures which, during Mr. Monroe's administration, were adopted in reference to the foreign policy of the government. It is not necessary that these should here be specified. One only is too important to be forgotten the recognition of the independence of the New Republics of the South. The credit of first effectually proposing that measure, in the House of Representatives, is due to Mr. Clay; that of choosing the propitious moment when it could be proposed with the unanimous consent of Congress, and the nation, belongs, in the first degree, to Mr. Adams. Nor is he entitled to less credit, for the successful termination of our differences with Spain. A controversy, of thirty years' standing, which had resisted the skill of every preceding administration of the government, was thus brought to an honorable close. Indemnity was procured for our merchants, and East and West Florida added to our republic. Next to the purchase of Louisiana, the history of our country presents no measure of equal brilliancy with that of the acquisition of this territory.

On every important occasion and question that arose during Mr. Monroe's administration, the voice of Mr. Adams was for his country, for mild councils, and for union. In the agitations of the Missouri question, his influence was exerted for conciliation. He believed that by the Constitution and the treaty of cession of 1803, Congress was barred from

adopting the proposed restrictions on the admission of Missouri. Of internal improvement by roads and canals, he was ever the friend, and moved in the Senate of the United States the first project of their systematic construction. To the protection of American manufactures, by a judicious revision of the tariff, he was, in like manner, friendly. To the cause of religion and learning he afforded all the aid in the power of an individual, not merely by the uniform countenance of every effort for their advancement, but by the most liberal pecuniary assistance to the college, founded by the communion of Baptists, in the Dictrict of Columbia.

Such were his claims to the last and highest gift which the people can bestow on a long tried, faithful servant. Various circumstances conspired to strengthen them, in the Presidential canvass for the term beginning in 1825. Of nine Presidential elections, one only had given a President to a non-slave holding State. Of the several candidates presented to the people at this election, Mr. Adams was the only one who represented the non-slave holding interest. The people of our slave holding States are sacredly entitled to protection, in their rights and feelings on this subject; but they ought, neither in prudence nor justice, to demand a monopoly in the government of the country. Of nine elections, one only had resulted in the choice of a representative of the commercial, navigating, and manufacturing interests. Had the choice been presented to the people between Mr. Adams and any other candidate singly, Mr. Adams would perhaps have been chosen; he having been, it is believed, in almost every State, either the first or second choice of the people.

In consequence of the number of candidates, no choice by the people was effected, and no candidate approached to nearer than within thirty votes of a majority. The three persons who received the highest number of votes for the Presidency, were Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, and William H. Crawford. For the Vice-Presidency, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, received one hundred and eighty-two votes, and was consequently elected. The choice of the President, according to constitutional provisions, fell upon the House of Representatives, and, contrary to all previous expectations, an election was effected at the first balloting; Mr. Adams having received the votes of thirteen States, General Jackson the votes of seven States, and Mr. Crawford the votes of four States. The result of the election created great surprise, and in many quarters great indignation. The cry of corruption and intrigue was raised on all sides, and it was among the assertions of the time that Mr. Clay had sold the vote of Kentucky for the promise of place.

A committee of the House was appointed to wait on Mr. Adams, and notify him of his election to the Presidency; to this notification Mr. Adams returned the following reply:

"GENTLEMEN-In receiving this testimonial from the Representatives of the people, and States of this Union, I am deeply sensible to the circumstances under which it has been given. All my predecessors in the high station to which the favor of the House now calls me, have been honored with majorities of the electoral voices in their primary colleges. It has

been my fortune to be placed, by the divisions of sentiment prevailing among our countrymen on this occasion, in competition, friendly and honorable, with three of my fellow citizens, all justly enjoying, in eminent degrees, the public favor; and of whose worth, talents, and services, no one entertains a higher and more respectful sense than myself. The names of two of them were, in the fulfillment of the provisions of the Constitution, presented to the selection of the House, in concurrence with my own names, closely associated with the glory of the nation, and one of them further recommended by a larger majority of the primary electoral suffrages than mine.

"In this state of things, could my refusal to accept the trust thus delegated to me, give an immediate opportunity to the people to form and to express with a nearer approach to unanimity, the object of their preference, I should not hesitate to decline the acceptance of this eminent charge, and to submit the decision of this momentous question again to their determination. But the Constitution itself has not so disposed of the contingency which would arise in the event of my refusal; I shall, therefore, repair to the post assigned me by the call of my country signi fied through her constitutional organs; oppressed with the magnitude of the task before me, but cheered with the hope of that generous support from my fellow citizens, which, in the vicissitudes of a life devoted to their service, has never failed to sustain me-confident in the trust, that the wisdom of the legislative councils will guide and direct me in the path of my official duty, and relying, above all, upon the superintending providence of that Being in whose hand our breath is, and whose are all our ways.' Gentlemen, I pray you to make acceptable to the House the assurance of my profound gratitude for their confidence, and to accept yourselves my thanks for the friendly terms in which you have communicated to me their decision."

On the 4th of March, 1825, Mr. Adams was inaugurated as President of the United States. At about half past twelve on that day he was introduced into the capitol, followed by the venerable Ex-President and his family, by the Judges of the Supreme Court in their robes of office, and the members of the Senate, preceded by the Vice-President, with a number of members of the House of Representatives. Mr. Adams, in a plain suit of black, ascended the steps to the Speaker's chair, and took his seat. Silence having been proclaimed and the doors of the hall closed, Mr. Adams rose and read an address, which occupied about forty minutes in the delivery. Great interest was felt on this subject, as those productions had usually contained the general principles upon which the Executive intended to administer the government. The discourse, from its importance, is worthy of a place in this volume, and is as follows:

"In compliance with an usage, coeval with the existence of our Federal Constitution, and sanctioned by the example of my predecessors in the career upon which I am about to enter, I appear my fellow citizens, in your presence, and in that of heaven, to bind myself by the solemnities of a religious obligation, to the faithful performance of the duties allotted to me, in the station to which I have been called.

"In unfolding to my countrymen the principles by which I shall be