JANUARY, 1847.] Lieutenant-General. [29TH CONG. execution of enterprises not only totally distinct | disinterestedness; and yet in the organization from each other, but at geographical distances of military bodies and in the preparation of so remote as to preclude any thing like direct plans of campaign, we should be wanting in combination between the forces respectively ordinary prudence if we were not guided by employed in them. These enterprises have all those general principles, which are calculated been successful. Santa Fé and Chihuahua have to render our arrangements proof, as far as been overrun and occupied by the military human arrangements can be, against all hazard forces under General Kearny; the Californias of failure in their execution. If there is a by Colonel Fremont and our naval forces in the particular form of organization better suited Pacific; New Leon and part of Tamaulipas by than any other to give efficiency to the moveGeneral Taylor; and Durango by General Wool ments of military forces, it is the part of wisand General Worth. The whole of northern dom to adopt it; nor should we be content with and central Mexico, as far south as the mouth a less efficient form, even though we have the of the Rio Grande and the twenty-sixth parallel fullest confidence in the patriotism and zeal of of latitude, is virtually in our possession. The those who are to have part in the contemplated Mexican authority may by this occupation be enterprises. Sir, I have entire faith in the considered extinct in this extensive district, devotedness and gallantry of the officers of our constituting, if we include Sonora and Sinoloa army, and of the volunteers; and no one shall on the eastern shore of the Gulf of California, surpass me here in attributing to them the from which I believe the Mexican forces are praise, and awarding to them the justice to which withdrawn, about two-thirds of the entire ter- they are entitled. I consider the proposed ritory of the Mexican republic, and about one- measure entirely consistent with the interests tenth of its population. The land forces, by of both arms of the service, which are deeply which these acquisitions have been made, are concerned, though not so deeply as the interrapidly concentrating upon the southern line ests of the country, in giving to the military of the subjugated territory. Their operations body, of which they are a part, the most judiare to be, in some degree, combined, instead cious and efficient organization. of being carried on in separate divisions. General officers, who have heretofore operated independently, are to come together and to act with each other in the accomplishment of common objects. At least four of these generals have the same rank, that of major-general, the highest rank in the service; and precedence among them in their respective arms is, therefore, to be determined by date of commission. In subordinate commands this mode of settling questions of precedence is inevitable, and ordinarily leads to little practical inconvenience. But to permit the right to the chief command over such numerous forces as are now to be combined, and in such extensive operations as are to be carried on, to be determined by mere priority of commission, and not by superiority of grade, is, to say the least, exceedingly undesirable not only in deference to military principles, but because this very circumstance has often proved unfriendly to united and zealous action, and sometimes has led to the frustration of plans of campaigns, and even to defeat, when success would have been certain with proper co-operation on the part of the commander and his subordinates. I might appeal, for the truth of this remark, to our own military history, as well as to that of other countries. I believe I may say, it is a well-settled opinion in respect to military command, and especially in extensive operations, that the chief commander should, if possible, be superior in grade to the other general officers serving under him. The considerations, by which the correctness of this principle is supported, are perfectly compatible with the highest patriotism and honor in the persons holding subordinate commands. It is strictly a question of military organization, We may concede to all the purest devotion and Looking to the numerical forces to be moved in combination, they will far exceed any number ever commanded in this country—and I believe I may say in any other, except from accident or some temporary necessity-by a major-general, the highest grade in our service. The proper command of an officer of that rank is a division. A major-general and a general of division are convertible terms. A division consists of two brigades; a brigade consists of two regiments in the regular service and three in the volunteers. The command of a majorgeneral, therefore, is from four to six thousand men. The force to be employed in Mexico, if our operations are to be carried on with proper vigor, should not fall short of twenty-five or thirty thousand fighting men in the field. It now exceeds twenty thousand. It is sufficient for four full divisions. To permit it to be commanded by a major-general, having no precedence over his associates except by the date of his commission, is as inconsistent with military principles as it would be to organize a regiment with three or four inajors, and without a colonel; or, in other words, without a head. It is far too large a force to be commanded either by a major-general or a general having no higher rank than others serving under him. Such an arrangement is totally inconsistent with military principles and usages, looking to organization in its narrowest sense. When Napoleon was in command of the army of Italy, after his first successes, the Executive Directory determined to associate with him General Kellerman, one of the best commanders of that day. Napoleon remonstrated against it in a letter written in his usual terse and vigorous style; and he concluded by saying, that one bad general was better than two good ones. 2D SESS.] Lieutenant-General. [JANUARY, 1847. Sir, there is great force and truth in the propo- | did not believe it would occur; he was not sition. He intended to intimate that every deceived in this belief; and he never entered military body should have a distinct head; and on the discharge of his duties, excepting so far certainly the observation is eminently appli- as to give advice with regard to the organizacable to cases in which the numerical forces are tion of the army. About a year after this greatly disproportioned to the rank of the grade was created, and a few months before he officer commanding them. For these reasons, died, another act was passed authorizing the if there were no others, I should be in favor of appointment of a commander of the army, the President's recommendation to appoint an with the title of "general of the armies of the officer of higher rank to command our armies United States," and thereupon abolishing the in Mexico. office of lieutenant-general. I have not been able to find that the appointment was ever made, and by a return from the War Department in 1800, General Washington was reported as lieutenant-general dead. According to the analogies of other services, the rank of general is higher than that of lieutenant-general. I have not thought it material to inquire into the object of the second act; but it may have been designed to confer on him a rank as nearly approaching that which he bore in the revolutionary war (that of general and commanderin-chief) as was consistent with the Constitution of the United States, which declares the President to be commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States. Thus far I have spoken of the proposed measure as connected with sound principles of military organization and command. I desire now to present some considerations of a different nature. Our military commanders in Mexico | are operating in an enemy's country of vast extent. They are overrunning provinces, reducing cities and towns, and providing for the security of the subjugated territories under the rules of international law, and according to the usages of civilized States. These are high prerogatives, the incidents of war, having their authority in conventional rule beyond the civil constitution and municipal laws of our own country. It is very desirable that the depositary of these high and extraordinary powers should not only carry with him the requisite military talents, but that he should also possess the experience and the civil qualifications indispensable to enable him to meet his responsibilities intelligently and discreetly. Not only his own Government, but all civilized nations have an interest in the maintenance of rules designed to mitigate the asperities of warfare by applying to the conduct of war the principles of humanity and justice. Errors in the application of these rules may involve his own Government in embarrassment and reproach. These considerations, I am aware, apply rather to the qualifications of the man than to the rank he may happen to hold. I advert to them only for the purpose of indicating the impor-pation of an enemy's territory-and, let me tance of the position occupied by the commander of our armies in Mexico, and the propriety of extending to the President the broadest field for selection. In other services, the rank of lieutenantgeneral is, I believe, a part, and an essential part, of the military organization. In France it was formerly conferred on the chiefs of provinces and the individuals holding it were invested with civil as well as military functions. In modern times, I believe, it has become purely a military title, and it confers a rank intermediate between that of major-general which is below, and general, which is above it. As the grade next to that of major-general it seems the proper title, if a higher grade is to be created. On the other hand, though the office of commander of the military forces in Mexico will be purely military, nevertheless, in providing for exigencies which may arise in the occu add, with as little disturbance as possible to the local authorities and the ordinary administration of justice-his station becomes one of the highest delicacy and importance. If a new In the Message of the President, it is recom- grade is to be created, I repeat, the title of mended that authority be given to appoint a lieutenant-general will be admitted to be proper commanding general for our military forces in in a strictly military sense, and it is descriptive Mexico, without specifying any rank. The of the relation in which the commander of the committee, in reporting the bill, proposed to armies in Mexico will stand to the President confer on him the rank of lieutenant-general-as commander-in-chief of the armies of the the grade in other services next above that of major-general, which is the highest in ours. The grade was created in 1798, during our dissensions with the French republic, by an act authorizing the President to raise a provisional army. The office was conferred, by the unanimous vote of the Senate, on General Washington, and was accepted by him, but with the express stipulation, that he should not be called into service until the exigency for which the office was created-an invasion of the United States by France-should actually occur. He United States under the constitution. He cannot be in Mexico in person, and he must, therefore, command there by his lieutenant or deputy, by whatever name the latter may be called. The proposed creation of a new grade in the army, higher than any now known to the service, does not contemplate the creation or delegation of any new authority to the officer who may be appointed to it. He will possess no other powers excepting those now possessed by our military commanders. The act creating the office limits its duration to the war with JANUARY, 1847.] Lieutenant-General. [29TH CONG. Mexico. It is proposed to be created for the | age or power, I am in favor of extending to extraordinary einergency in which the country the President, within the sphere of his existing is placed, and will cease with it. I desire it to be distinctly understood that the measure is proposed with a view to the vigorous prosecution of the war, and in this view only I support it. If we were to have a war of posts, or a long and moderate war, the office would be unnecessary, and I should not give it my support. On this point I desire to say a few words more. I concur fully in the sentiments expressed by the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. CRITTENDEN) at a late session of the Senate, with regard to a vigorous prosecution of the war. I see no alternative but to advance with a competent force, and compel Mexico to make peace. Least of all would I approve the policy which has been referred to on this floor, of maintaining our present line of possession, and waiting for peace to come to us. I see in such a policy no beneficial results. On the contrary, I see in it nothing but evil and mischief. I believe it would be a line of war, assassination, and rapine, which neither party would have the ability to put down. It is only a restoration of peace, resting upon the solemn sanctions of a treaty, that can engage either party to treat the perpetrators of outrage with the severity necessary to suppress it. Draw a line across the Mexican territory, and place your soldiery here to guard it, and you will be exposed to the danger, so well described by the Senator from Kentucky, of having your own divided forces attacked by the combined forces of the enemy at any point which he may elect. Besides, sir, take such a line, and let our present hostile relations to Mexico continue, and you give to individual acts of depredation, in some degree, the sanction of law. You convert a war of communities into a war of individuals, without responsibility and without restraint, while the hostile feeling between the two countries will constantly grow more embittered by the repetition of acts of violence. Peace alone, uniting the sovereign power of both countries in the maintenance of order, can terminate a state of things disastrous to both, and at war with all the interests of humanity. I have but one word more to say in support of the bill. The President has asked the appointment of a commander of the armies in Mexico, with an increased rank. He believes it to be essential to the proper organization and movement of the army. He believes the success of our military operations may depend upon it. Sir, when the public honor and reputation are at stake, I am willing to extend to the Executive, on whom rests the whole responsibility of bringing the war to an honorable termination, any reasonable aid he requires. If we deny him the means he asks, and there shall be any failure in the enterprises set on foot, the responsibility will rest, not on him, but on us. While I am never in favor of enlarging unduly the sphere of executive patron powers, the fullest command of means. It is a necessary incident to the conduct of war to invest him, in this respect, with a large discretion. Be it for good or for evil, we must give him our confidence. It is always possible an Executive may not respond to it as we think he ought. But it is quite clear that he cannot without it hope for a successful execution of his plans. With these impressions, I shall vote for the men and means, which may be asked to carry on the war with vigor. I shall vote for such an organization of the army as is deemed necessary to give it the greatest efficiency, so long as I see no salutary principle violated. The honorable Senator from Kentucky (Mr. CRITTENDEN) expressed the same determination in respect to men and means at a late meeting of the Senate. Sir, no one appreciates the patriotism of that honorable Senator better than myself; and I sincerely wish the confidence in the Executive, which this determination implies, could consistently with his views of duty, be carried a little farther that while giving to the Executive all the men and money asked for, he could also vote for such an organization of the army as is deemed necessary to a vigorous prosecution of the war; for means and men avail little without the energy-moral and physical-of an efficient organization. For myself, I perceive nothing objectionable in the measure proposed. On the contrary, I can readily conceive it to be essential to the successful prosecution of our military operations in Mexico. I believe it to be necessary to a proper organization of the army; and I sustain it with cheerfulness, as a measure which is deemed necessary by the Administration to sustain the honor of the country and to insure the success of its arms. Mr. BADGER said he had the honor of serving on the Military Committee; and when this bill was under consideration in that committee, in the absence of the chairman, (Mr. BENTON,) its members found themselves equally divided. He and the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. CRITTENDEN) were opposed to the plan of creating the office of lieutenant-general; while the other two members of the committee (Messrs. Dix and HOUSTON) were in favor of it. His friend from Kentucky and himself, however, felt bound in courtesy to permit the bill to be reported, as the two gentlemen who were in favor of it undoubtedly represented a majority of the committee, and the majority on this floor; still he felt bound to state his reasons for opposing it. He wished, in his own behalf, (and perhaps he might say on behalf of the honorable Senator from Kentucky,) to state to the Senate briefly, but yet somewhat more in detail than the short summary given by his honorable friend, the reasons which induced him and his colleague (Mr. CRITTENDEN) in committee, and which would induce him now, and he supposed he might say still influenced his colleague, to re 2D SESS.] Lieutenant-General-Vindication of the President. fuse, from considerations of public duty, to MONDAY, January 25. (JANUARY, 1847. thereby enabling the Senate and the people to judge of the justice of the accusation. It was at the beginning of the month of September last, and in the moment that I was about setting out to the West, that the President sent for me, aud informed me that he had done so for the purpose of offering me a high appointment. He named it. It was the mission to France, then becoming vacant by the return of the gentleman (Mr. King, of Alabaina) so long an ornament to this Chamber. I declined the appointment, and for reasons which had induced me to decline high appoint Lieutenant-General-Vindication of the Pres- ments from Presidents Jackson and Van Buren. ident. Mr. Polk was kind enough to ask me to take time to consider; but I answered him that Mr. BENTON asked the indulgence of the there was no need for time; that the answer Senate to make an exposition of the circum- would still be the same, after any length of stances under which the President had pro- consideration; and so, with thanks for the posed the appointment of a lieutenant-general honor he had done me, the appointment to the to command the army in Mexico, and with French mission was definitively declined. This which appointment his name had become con- was the beginning of September last; so that, at nected. It had been intimated, he said, on the that time, it is certain that the President could floor of the Senate-hypothetically, to be sure, have had no such design as has been attributed but not the less intelligibly and forcibly on that to him by the Senator from North Carolinaaccount that there might be an ulterior and no design to make me his successor, by virtue covert design in the proposition: nothing less of military feats to be performed on the lowthan a design on the part of the President to lands or the table land of the republic of appoint his successor. The Senator from North Mexico. On the contrary, a fertile imaginaCarolina, (Mr. BADGER,) in his speech on the tion-such as the Senator from North Carolina lieutenant-general bill, had indulged in that so happily possesses might have seen, or hypothesis; and as no supposition could be thought it saw, in this proposed amendment, a more unfounded, or more injurious to the Presi- sort of political deportation-something like an dent or to the public service, or could descend exiling and burying in a foreign Court-for a from a higher source and as he (Mr. BENTON) purpose the very reverse of what the Senator happened to be in possession of all the facts from North Carolina has supposed. I say an necessary to the vindication of the President, inventive imagination might have seen, or he desired to make an exposition which would thought it saw, all this. Possessing no such show the supposition to be unfounded, and imagination, I saw no such thing. And taking would save the President's character and the the offer in the sense in which it was made, public service from the injury they would suffer as eminently honorable in itself and a signal if the intimation was allowed to go out uncon-evidence of the President's confidence in me, tradicted from the floor of the Senate. He asked leave; for, as the bill for the lieutenantgeneral was laid upon the table, and as he would not have it taken up, (and would not speak to it if it was,) and as he did not choose to commit the irregularity of hanging a speech on some irrelevant bill, he must throw himself upon the indulgence of the Senate for leave to make the exposition of facts which the case required, and which the intimations of the Senator from North Carolina had rendered necessary. Leave was given, and Mr. BENTON proceeded I feel myself called upon by the remarks of the Senator from North Carolina (Mr. BADGER) to vindicate the President from the unconstitutional and dangerous design which the hypothetical observations of that Senator would attribute to him; and shall do so in the simplest form of narrative, repeating to the Senate all that has taken place between the President and myself in relation to this appointment, and and goodwill for me, I made him my thanks for it privately, as I now do publicly; and the affair was dropped. This, I repeat, was at the beginning of September last-only three months before the meeting of Congress; so that, at that time, it is quite clear the President had no such momentous and fearful design as the Senator from North Carolina has attributed to him. Up to that time-up to the first day of September, in the year 1846-the republic was safe. Immediately after refusing the mission to France I went off to the West, was gone until the month of November, and had no communication of any kind, direct or indirect, nor upon any subject whatever, during my absence, with President Polk. This makes all safe again for two months more. I returned to this city in November, where my family was, and where Congress was soon to meet. The day after my arrival I called upon the President; and here we approach the dangerous ground! For, in that first interview, he actually asked me my JANUARY, 1847.] Lieutenant-General-Vindication of the President. [29TH CONG. was accustomed to return unopened, at the end of the campaigns, all the orders which the Aulic Council was in the habit of sending to him from Vienna. opinion about the future mode of conducting | since the time that the Prince Eugene (of Savoy) the Mexican war. For reasons not proper now to be stated, but of the validity of which the country will some day have an opportunity of judging, the President saw fit to ask me my opinion upon the future mode of conducting the war. This request did not strike me as being any thing strange or unreasonable--either unbecoming in him to make, or for me to comply with. In my Senatorial capacity I was his constitutional adviser on many great questions, those of peace and war inclusive. In my political capacity, I was the supporter of his administration, and ready to give him my opinion on any subject. As chairman of the Senate's Committee on Military Affairs, and accustomed, in that character, to communicate on military subjects with all Administrations for about a quarter of a century last past, I saw nothing in the nature of the request he had made to implicate either of us. He asked me for my opinion as to the future mode of conducting the war. I gave it to him, first in speech, face to face, and afterwards in writing. And here it is! [holding up a roll of paper,] for I chose to retain the original for myself, while sending a copy to him. Here it is! and at the proper time the public shall see it, but not now; for I do not belong to the school that makes publication of plans of campaign-even dead plans-in time of war. The President was bound to command: he could not go to Mexico to command in person; and he could not command from Washington. The solution of the difficulty, which reconciled all contradictions, and permitted the exercise of all duties, civil and military, was the appointment of a military deputy-a-legatus-a locum tenens-a lieutenant to take the place of the constitutional commander-in-chief in the field; to give orders in his name, and to take the responsibility of plans and movements, while the generals, at the heads of divisions or columns, would only have the responsibility of execution. This, for reasons too well known to require rehearsal in this chamber, it was thought would be entirely ageeable to the generals of highest rank in our army in Mexico; it would secure their rear at home, and leave them free to contend with the enemy in front. It was not intended to diminish the fighting vocation of the two generals, but to reconcile and accomplish two desirable objects, namely, the execution of the President's plans, and the release of the major-generals from responsibility for plans and movements. This was the view of the office of lieutenant-general: as to the The President approved the plan: and it so proposed officer, there was no breach of milihappened that the nature of the plan required tary rule, law, etiquette, or propriety, in the a head to the army-one head to the whole proposed appointment. The office was original, body-to unite and combine the whole into one and belonged to no person. The President had harmonious and consistent movement. It so a right to nominate, and the Senate to conhappened, also, that enough was known of the firm, whom they pleased. Personally, I would ideas of the two highest in rank of the officers take no concern in it. I only asked the Presiof the army to know that their plans were dent to make known the name intended for the different; and it is a maxim of fundamental place to the members of Congress, that all obobservance in war, that no general is to be jections to the officer, as well as to the office, required to execute a plan which he disap-should be open to full inquiry. I forbade my proves. A new commander became indispensable; and as any new major-general would be subordinate to all now in commission, the solution of the difficulty lay in the creation of a new rank, superior to that of major-general, and inferior to the constitutional commanderin-chief. The creation of the rank of lieutenant-general, as had been done in the year 1798, at the time of the expected war with France, was the solution of the difficulty. This rank appeared to be the natural and regular derivation from the President's own political and military character, and the proper connecting-link between him and the army. As President, he was both the civil head of the Government and the military head of the army. He was commander-in-chief of the army and navy, and of the militia or volunteers when in service. They were all then in service, and in a foreign country. He could not go to Mexico to command in person: paramount duties required him to remain here. He could not send orders from the closet in this city. That was a folly of which there had been no example friends to say a word on my account. I would not say a word for myself. I would not even obviate a prominent_objection by reminding any one that, in 1812, I was the military superior of every general now in the service, and had a right to have commanded the whole of them if we had chanced to serve together. I was then colonel in the service of the United States, commissioned by President Madison, under a law of Congress, and led a regiment of my own raising from Tennessee to the lower Mississippi, under General Jackson, to meet the British then expected at New Orleans, but who did not come till 1814. I was then of a rank, and in a position to have commanded, if we had met, every general now in service. Even in the regular army, in 1813, I was lieutenantcolonel, while most of the present generals were company officers, and only one of them of the rank of colonel. Yet I scorned to mention these things, even to bosom friends, while the measure was depending, and only do it now for the purpose of rescuing the President from the supposed breach of military decorum |