necessity- as a means of common defence. It was recommended to each colony to reorganize its government as that of a sovereign state, and to enact such new laws as the times seemed to require.

This voluntary association of the states for purposes of mere protection was not designed to be permanent, and, although every measure was adopted which nations usually adopt in seasons of apprehended danger from a foreign enemy, still the removal of the occasion left each state to recede from or to continue in the alliance. Besides, it could but be seen how great would be the dangers of the separation of the confederated states into independent communities, acknowledging no common head, and acting upon no common system. Rivalries, jealousies, real or imaginary wrongs, diversities of local interests and institutions, would soon sever the ties of a common attachment, which bound them together, and bring on a state of hostile operations dangerous to their peace and subversive of their permanent interests.*

One of their first objects, therefore, beyond that of their immediate safety, which engaged the attention of the Continental Congress, was to provide the means of a permanent union of all the colonies under a general government. Certain Articles of Confederation were agreed upon in November, 1777, but were not accepted by all the states until March, 1781. As the government was not to go into effect until the consent of all the states should be obtained, this delay of more than three

* 66 If these states should either be wholly disunited," says Alexander Hamilton, "or only united in partial confederacies, a man must be far gone in Utopian speculations, who can seriously doubt that the subdivisions into which they might be thrown would have frequent and violent contests with each other. To presume a want of motives for such contests, as an argument against their existence, would be to forget that men are ambitious, vindictive, and rapacious. To look for a continuation of harmony between a number of independent, unconnected sovereignties, situated in the same neighborhood, would be to disregard the uniform course of human events, and to set at defiance the accumulated experience of ages."

years gave good opportunity for deliberation and discussion. It was soon found, however, that the Articles adopted were defective, not being sufficiently comprehensive and efficient for the government of a nation. The states were exceedingly jealous of their own rights, and, having realized a bitter experience in their former relations with the parent country, they doubtless entertained fears, and raised doubts not justified by enlightened views.

It soon became evident, from a gradual development of the subject by discussion, and from actual experience, that a new constitution was highly important, and, after several partial meetings in convention of a portion of the states, a general convention of commissioners was called from all the states, and met in Philadelphia in May, 1787. After very protracted deliberations, and great diversities of opinion, they finally, on the 17th of September, 1787, framed the present Constitution of the United States, and recommended it to be laid by the Congress before the several states, to be by them considered and ratified in conventions of the representatives of the people, to be called for that purpose. Conventions were accordingly called in all the states, except Rhode Island, and after many warm discussions, the Constitution was ratified by all of them, except North Carolina and Rhode Island. It was subsequently adopted by North Carolina in November, 1789, and by Rhode Island in May, 1790. Vermont was admitted February 18, 1791.

As the Preamble of the Constitution adopted imbodies the motives of those who framed and accepted it, we copy it as a lesson of instruction.

"We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution of the United States of America."

In making this brief and hasty recital of the events con

We

nected with the growth of our state and general governments, we are compelled to confine ourselves to mere outline. have deemed it pertinent to our subject to notice these few details, as illustrating the different trials and processes through which these forms of government were passed before the results were reached, and which now bless our states and our general country. The work is one bearing all the marks of scrupulous care, of ability and integrity. Three different forms of government were tried by the different colonies, and three conventions were held by them, each convention performing its degree of labor, before the collected wisdom of the people could be imbodied and detailed in a shape that should at the same time practically meet the wants of the nation, and do justice to the cause of universal freedom.*

* "The Constitution of the United States," says De Tocqueville, "is like those exquisite productions of human industry which insure wealth and renown to their inventors, but which are profitless in other hands. This truth is exemplified by the condition of Mexico at the present time." We should be sorry to admit that this remark needed no qualification. The bare desire for a free government is a step towards it. The successful administration of it requires the wisdom and experience of age, and these must be preceded by a certain amount of mental capacity.

"A great equity lawyer," says Mr. Webster, * "had truly said that, ever since the revolution of 1688, law had been the basis of public liberty. He held it to be undoubted that the state of society depends more on elementary law, and the principles and rules that control the transmission, distribution, and free alienation of property, than on positive institutions. Written constitutions sanctify and confirm great principles, but the latter were prior in existence to the former. Habeas Corpus Act, the Bill of Rights, Trial by Jury, were surer bulwarks of right and liberty than written constitutions. The gradual establishment of our free institutions was the work of time and experience, not the immediate result of any written instrument. English and our colonial history were full of those experiments in representative government which heralded and led to our more perfect system. When our revolution made us independent, we had not * In his speech delivered at Charleston, S. C., at a dinner given him by the Charleston Bar."

In this instrument and in the Declaration of Independence, are to be found the fundamental principles of our national government, and in which centre all those great sources of duty which involve justice and accountability.

Every true friend of liberty finds a subject of congratula

tion in

THE INDISSOLUBLE NATURE OF THE UNION.

This indissoluble combination of sovereignties of a gradual and similar formation is one of those extraordinary events of time, in which all may recognize the ruling hand of Providence. Such a union is one of inconceivable strength and permanency. We can see the elements of its growth, but we cannot even predict the beginning of the causes of its decay. It is enveloped in almost numberless circles of sovereignty. Its heart cannot be reached by danger. Towns, counties, states, and their unnumbered institutions, have each their own independent sphere of action, and their growing and diversified strength is a perpetual source of power to the Union.*

to frame government for ourselves to hew it out of the original block of marble; our history and experience presented it ready made and proportioned to our hands."

The causes of progress may be found in the nature of man; the means for their development in the nature of things; and the results appear in our character, laws, and institutions. These, as they are recorded, become important aids to new and further developments.

* "Local assemblies of citizens," says De Tocqueville, " constitute the strength of free nations. Town-meetings are to liberty what primary schools are to science; they bring it within the people's reach, they teach men how to use and how to enjoy it." The same author says, in another place, "In the American states power has been disseminated with admirable skill, for the purpose of interesting the greatest possible number of persons in the common weal. Independently of the electors, who are from time to time called into action, the body politic is divided into innumerable functionaries and officers, who all, in their several spheres, represent the same powerful whole, in whose name they act. The local administration thus affords an unfailing source of profit and interest to a vast number of individuals."

They are limbs of the great body politic. Their various modes of action, and the manifestation of their different views, sentiments, interests, and prejudices, are but the exercise necessary to their own growth, and to the healthy condition of that great body of which they are members. Its duration cannot be measured by man. The combined action of enemies without, and the assaults of party spirit within, can have no tendency, but to develop new energies, and to add new strength. It may rise in its grandeur and might for centuries to come; have its periods of growth and decay, its blessings and its troubles; but its changes can only be those of progress. Dissolution may be discussed, threatened, and, possibly, even attempted; but every discussion will increase the knowledge of the indispensable necessity of union, every threat will add to the zeal of its friends, and every attempt to subvert it will create new safeguards for its protection and perpetuity. The physical world in its variety, and the mental world in its unity, encircle its boundaries and centralize its interests. THE DISSOLUTION

OF SUCH A UNION IS A MORAL IMPOSSI

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES

is a sacred instrument, not only to the people of this country, but to the world. It is not a charter to bless a particular people, but the race. Our relation to the soil of this continent is

* We find the following eloquent passage in the able report of the secretary of the treasury, December, 1847:

"Upon this point, sectional fanatics, few in number at home, and despots abroad concurring with them, may hope or menace; but the American Union is a moral and physical, a political and commercial necessity, and never can, or will, be dissolved. As well might we attempt to decompose the great element of nature which holds together the planets, suns, and systems of the universe, as hope to sever the links of mighty lakes and rivers, of ever-extending telegraphs, railroads, and canals, of free trade, of intercourse, of interest, of love and affection, of the glories of the past, the present, and future, which