Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

ress of man, the freedom of mind and body throughout the whole earth, this war was prosecuted by the government of the United States, in its wisdom, as an act of JUSTICE.

It is a passage of great truth, in one of the speeches of Governor Cass, that "All wars are to be deprecated, as well by the statesman as by the philanthropist. They are great evils, but there are greater evils than these, and submission to injustice is among them. The nation which should refuse to defend its rights and its honor, would soon have neither to defend."

PARTY VIEWS AND PARTY PRINCIPLES.

THE present condition of political parties in this country, is a subject of singular interest to the citizen and to the observer. The elements which constitute the causes of difference, and the difference of principle, of profession and of action, are so diversified and opposite in character, that it is a matter of no small difficulty for the candid mind to decide what course of influence is safest and best; to discriminate between the transient and permanent, to draw a just line of distinction between the honest and dishonest pretensions of political leaders.

In no country, perhaps, are the rights of the citizen, and the nature of government, so much discussed as in this, not only by the well-informed, but by the ignorant; and yet there seems to be but little practical knowledge developed and systematized.

There is, indeed, a diffusive expression of opinion, and an apparent maturity of judgment, but a little attention to the views of many of those who claim to be the light of the people, must convince any one that they are not only selfish, but that they really have no philosophical basis of their own.

The modern politician is too superficial to be a discerning leader, and too much the creature of circumstance to be a safe adviser. This is true, in some degree, of all parties. He sees but a part of the whole, and judges the whole without regard to the parts. He appeals too much to local interests and prejudices; and if he cannot gain his ends by an open and frank avowal of his principles, he is too ready to employ indirect and unworthy means for their accomplishment. His

policy is a transient one; and, instead of anticipating and providing for the distant evils of favorite measures, he sees nothing but the present good.

This view is no fiction, but a reality. We can exempt no State from the application; it is due to all, and all seem to be involved in difficulties incident to selfishness. New expedients receive attention to the neglect of settled principles, and the policy of the moment is in favor, at the expense of what should make the policy of a generation. Most parties speak much truth, in opposition to one another; all parties commit their errors upon different subjects, at different periods.

In this state of things, in this confusion of profession, of principle, of practice and malpractice, it requires an extraordinary degree of moral courage to stand above the temptations of designing men.

It becomes the natural inquiry of the citizen how he is to distinguish the right from the wrong; and, without more error than falls to the lot of humanity, to do his duty to himself and to his country. What make the standards of party? Which standard is right, and how are others wrong?

It is not a All will agree

We deem this a profitable subject of inquiry. new one. It may not be an interesting one. in its importance. If we do not enlighten our readers, they will admit, we doubt not, that it is some service to remind them of what they know and to render familiar the fundamental principles of our institutions, which should ever be present with a party that trusts to be permanent.

Parties are either permanent or transient; the former recognizing fundamental principles, which forever remain true; the latter, organizing and reorganizing according to incidental circumstances, local interests, special interests, or special reforms. The former raises its standard, declares its principles, and through them reach the various causes of reform, and adopts all practicable measures that promise to conduce to the prosperity of the country. The latter is either conservative, or ultra, or special, or local. It carries the standard of a day; it

avows but one principle of a thousand. It is partial, and looks to a single interest, severed from its connection with more important ones. It seeks to increase the power of the few, without regarding that the expense is to the many.

It is con

servative in the great party, it is intolerant in the small. It existed yesterday, and to-day it is not. The influence of these parties is not continued and concentrated within themselves; but whatever they mature of right soon reaches and is made to help and elevate the dominant party.

We would not denounce such parties. We would not denounce any party. We claim to prove a party in the right; and if a party be in the wrong, it may be shown by our standard, or it may be proved so by its own measures. We do not mean that we would extend to such parties our favor, for this would be a compromise of principle. We do not mean that we would spare them from attack, for this would be a compromise of duty. We mean, that we will not denounce a party because we are not counted one of its members; but we would subject it to the severest scrutiny, to the severest test known to science, or demanded by principle. We would try it by its own standard, and by that which we deemed to be permanent. We would prove it to be in the wrong, or admit it to be in the right. We would be firm without dogmatism, and bold without arrogance.

We can see much good in the conflicts of party. Parties are not voluntary associations, made up of men who choose their part without reference to convictions. We have a higher respect for the people than to suppose that their faith is the result of their interest or their will. We do not deny exceptions. Men act from the evidence that is in them, and around them, and before them. Their opinions are spontaneous, their motives rest in conscience, and their acts should appear conformity to these. They are independent as individuals, and as individuals they act in parties. They have individual interests, and party interests. The individual seeks to bring the party to himself, but as all cannot be exemplars, all yield minor views, and unite on certain great and fundamental prin

in

ciples. What cannot be gained at once, must come by degrees. What cannot be understood at once, must be taught by degrees. What is not practicable now, must be studied as a future measure. Party zeal may outstrip party prudence; but party prudence should yield nothing to cowardice at the expense of principle. While it is admitted that zeal may save us from lethargy, it must be borne in mind that judgment may save us from the errors of careless or hasty thinking.

The deep lines of party distinction represent frequently great and important interests. Men are influenced by what they have, or by what they want. They design to be true, but they are frequently blinded by their interest. They design to be just, but they err in not respecting the motives of their opponents. They intend to be charitable, but they mistake the objects of charity for the subjects of censure.*

The existence of parties constitutes the means of political progress. Parties may be violent, they may agitate a whole nation, and threaten its peace; but without this exercise no nation can have maturity, no nation can have strength or acquire glory. What exercise is to the physical system, it is to the nation. It develops its means of strength. The conflict of opinion is the exercise of mind; the conflict of party make that of a nation. We would not encourage division unless made subservient to a well-tried standard, nor would we lament it if dictated by honest motives.

In this country there are two great parties; the democratic, or republican party, and the conservative, or whig party.

The democratic party has its standard of principle and its rule of action. It seeks to reach the whole people, and to secure equal rights to all, without unjust sacrifice to any. It stands upon the basis of the Constitution, and yields none of its safeguards to construction. It sustains the humblest citizen in all his rights, and the States in their prerogatives of sovereignty. It favors simplicity of life, the elevation of the

* See Appendix C C.

« ZurückWeiter »