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securities carefully taken, which are by law required, before any li cense be granted.

3. That no parish church or chapel be put into the license for the place of celebrating the marriage, but those only where one of the parties, that are to be married, dwells. And if the archbishops have authority so to do (which I think they have, all licenses in this kind being only ex gratiá) that they limit it to the parish church or chapel where the woman dwells.

4. That a severe prosecution be enjoined against all those that transgress in any of the premisses.

If the bill pass against clandestine marriages, which I hear is now before the parliament, I confess it will be too late for the church to meddle with this matter; but in case the bill be cast out (as perhaps it may) I think it will then be very proper for the church to under. take the business, and employ all the authority it hath to reform so great an abuse. And if the archbishops and bishops would be pleased so to do, to whom the cognisance of this matter doth most properly belong, I know no way can be more effectual for it, than the putting the canons in execution in the particulars I have mentioned. And if this be done as soon as the bill is cast out, by a publick order from the two archbishops, to their respective provinces, and the bishops be hearty and zealous in the executing of it, I doubt not there will be these following good effects thereof.

1. A speedy remedy will thereby be put to this great abuse, which hath raised the clamour of the nation so loud against us, and made so many disaffected to the church, by reason of the injuries that some of their families have suffered by our tolerating so unjustifiable a practice among us.

2. Full satisfaction will be given to those who so earnestly call for a reformation in this particular; which will be the most effectual method of preventing the ill designs of those who endeavour the bringing of sanguinary laws upon us for this purpose; which, if effected, will be a great severity, and may prove a constant snare to their lives, whenever the people have malice enough to raise a prosecution against them.

3. It will stop the mouths of those who are too often heard to re proach the bishops with this whole abuse, as if the whole reason of it were from this, that they sold their chancellors, commissaries, and registers places, and therefore were bound to tolerate those officers under them in all their illegal practices, that they may thereby the better raise the money that they exacted from them, for their admission to those employments.

And thus far having stated to your lordship this whole case, and shewn you therein from whence the great abuse of clandestine mar. riages ariseth, the manner how the practice of it is grown so frequent, and the means whereby it may be prevented, I earnestly beseech your lordship to make use of that opportunity which God hath given you, in putting to your helping hand for the reformation of this corruption, that the reputation of our church, and the interest of so many families that are members of it, may not thus continually be sacrificed to the

illegal gain, which chancellors, commissaries, and registers reap to themselves, from the practice of it. In order whereto, I wish your lordship would be pleased to lay the state of this whole matter before my lord archbishop of Canterbury, that if the parliament puts not that severe act upon us for the reformation of this abuse (as I hope they will not) his grace may do herein, what in his great wisdom he shall see may be most conducing to the good of the church.

Decemb. 11, 1691.

I am,

My Lord,

Your lordship's most humble servant.

A

PROPOSAL FOR AN EQUAL LAND-TAX;

HUMBLY SUBMITTED TO CONSIDERATION.

[London, printed in the year 1691. Quarto, containing 14 pages.]

The inequality of the land-tax presently appeared, even at a time when the legislature, by a pound-rate, thought to have remedied all the inconveniencies, which afore-time had attended that assess ment upon the subject; and that, which was calculated for the good of the whole, was by the zealous loyalty of one part, and the crafty reservedness of the party that opposed the revolution, turned to the greatest oppression of the true-hearted Protestants, and to the real advantage of those, who rather than fairly contribute, in proportion, with their fellow-subjects, to withstand our common enemy, would risque the loss of their all by a passive concurrence to ruin our religion, laws, and liberties. For, upon so fair a pro posal to settle the land-tax by a pound-rate, they, who wished well to their country and the Protestant establishment, gave in a just estimate of the intrinsick value of their estates, and were as sessed according to their said valuation, and continue so to be even to this day; though in many places, through various accidents, as, the falling of rents, and the want of tenants, they are obliged, by a re-assessment, to raise a fourth or a fifth more than the current assessment is enacted for. But those, that waited an opportunity to recall a popish governor, gave in, some a half, others a third, and some only a quarter of the intrinsick value of their estates, and were, and continue to be assessed only according to that fal lacious valuation; and it is against this grievance, which was early perceived, though not yet remedied, that this pamphlet was written, and, I think, proposes a good method to settle it upon a better footing.

securities carefully taken, which are by law required, before any li cense be granted.

3. That no parish church or chapel be put into the license for the place of celebrating the marriage, but those only where one of the parties, that are to be married, dwells. And if the archbishops have authority so to do (which I think they have, all licenses in this kind being only ex gratia) that they limit it to the parish church or chapel where the woman dwells.

4. That a severe prosecution be enjoined against all those that transgress in any of the premisses.

If the bill pass against clandestine marriages, which I hear is now before the parliament, I confess it will be too late for the church to meddle with this matter; but in case the bill be cast out (as perhaps it may) I think it will then be very proper for the church to under. take the business, and employ all the authority it hath to reform so great an abuse. And if the archbishops and bishops would be pleased so to do, to whom the cognisance of this matter doth most properly belong, I know no way can be more effectual for it, than the putting the canons in execution in the particulars I have mentioned. And if this be done as soon as the bill is cast out, by a publick order from the two archbishops, to their respective provinces, and the bishops be hearty and zealous in the executing of it, I doubt not there will be these following good effects thereof.

1. A speedy remedy will thereby be put to this great abuse, which hath raised the clamour of the nation so loud against us, and made so many disaffected to the church, by reason of the injuries that some of their families have suffered by our tolerating so unjustifiable a practice among us.

2. Full satisfaction will be given to those who so earnestly call for a reformation in this particular; which will be the most effectual method of preventing the ill designs of those who endeavour the bring. ing of sanguinary laws upon us for this purpose; which, if effected, will be a great severity, and may prove a constant snare to their lives, whenever the people have malice enough to raise a prosecution against them.

3. It will stop the mouths of those who are too often heard to re. proach the bishops with this whole abuse, as if the whole reason of it were from this, that they sold their chancellors, commissaries, and registers places, and therefore were bound to tolerate those officers under them in all their illegal practices, that they may thereby the better raise the money that they exacted from them, for their admission to those employments.

And thus far having stated to your lordship this whole case, and shewn you therein from whence the great abuse of clandestine mar. riages ariseth, the manner how the practice of it is grown so frequent, and the means whereby it may be prevented, I earnestly beseech your lordship to make use of that opportunity which God hath given you, in putting to your helping hand for the reformation of this corruption, that the reputation of our church, and the interest of so many families that are members of it, may not thus continually be sacrificed to the

illegal gain, which chancellors, commissaries, and registers reap to themselves, from the practice of it. In order whereto, I wish your fordship would be pleased to lay the state of this whole matter before my lord archbishop of Canterbury, that if the parliament puts not that severe act upon us for the reformation of this abuse (as I hope they will not) his grace may do herein, what in his great wisdom he shall see may be most conducing to the good of the church.

Decemb. 11, 1691.

I am,

My Lord,

Your lordship's most humble servant.

A

PROPOSAL FOR AN EQUAL LAND-TAX;

HUMBLY SUBMITTED TO CONSIDERATION.

[London, printed in the year 1691. Quarto, containing 14 pages.]

The inequality of the land-tax presently appeared, even at a time when the legislature, by a pound-rate, thought to have remedied all the inconveniencies, which afore-time had attended that assess ment upon the subject; and that, which was calculated for the good of the whole, was by the zealous loyalty of one part, and the crafty reservedness of the party that opposed the revolution, turned to the greatest oppression of the true-hearted Protestants, and to the real advantage of those, who rather than fairly contribute, in proportion, with their fellow-subjects, to withstand our common enemy, would risque the loss of their all by a passive concurrence to ruin our religion, laws, and liberties. For, upon so fair a pro posal to settle the land-tax by a pound-rate, they, who wished well to their country and the Protestant establishment, gave in a just estimate of the intrinsick value of their estates, and were as. sessed according to their said valuation, and continue so to be even to this day; though in many places, through various accidents, as, the falling of rents, and the want of tenants, they are obliged, by a re-assessment, to raise a fourth or a fifth more than the current assessment is enacted for. But those, that waited an opportunity to recall a popish governor, gave in, some a half, others a third, and some only a quarter of the intrinsick value of their estates, and were, and continue to be assessed only according to that fal lacious valuation; and it is against this grievance, which was early perceived, though not yet remedied, that this pamphlet was written, and, I think, proposes a good method to settle it upon a better footing.

THERE is a great and urgent necessity, at present, of raising great

sums of money; to which the common people of England, we may safely presume, would willingly contribute their utmost; and matters might be so ordered, that their assistance would be very considerable. But some would have the gentry take the whole burthen upon themselves and a few others; and would have this money raised by a land. tax, which way will very probably be followed. Here it is confessed, that, though this tax prove heavy, yet upon this great occa. sion it would be borne with chearfulness, if it were made equal; but the monstrous inequality of it, as the rates are now, is more griev ous than the tax itself. What can be a greater heart-breaking, than to pay double and treble, in proportion to other people? And many a poor gentleman must be ruined, if these rates continue.

A remedy for this evil hath been nobly attempted already, in parliament, by bringing the payments to a pound-rate. And surely it cannot be denied, but that the taxes of two shillings in the pound, and three shillings in the pound, were the fairest that ever were granted. Nor hath there been any thing done in England more be. coming a parliament. But that, which was well designed, was so villainously executed (I mean in the assessing) that even those taxes proved shamefully unequal. So that, notwithstanding all the care that was taken, some men paid double and treble to others. Not that much land was assessed above the true value, for that is not complained of; but, while some were assessed to the full, others were assessed at the half or third part, by which means they, that were assessed to the full paid double or treble. For example: If there be three farms of equal value, that is, each of them worth threescore pounds a year; and one of these is duly rated at three-score pounds, the second unduly at thirty, and the third at twenty; in this case the first pays double to the second, and treble to the third.

You will say, that, to rectify this matter, we must raise all those that are under-rated, and thereby have all lands assessed at their just and full value. In answer whereunto, I confess, that, if this thing were done, we might easily have equal taxes; whether they were laid by the pound-rate, or by a sum certain upon each county. But all the skill, and all the difficulty is, to get this thing done. The ordinary assessors will never do it; for experience hath taught us, that men will strangely swear and forswear, to save themselves and their neighbours from being screwed up. And it hath been proposed already, to take a more effectual course by rewarding informers; but that way doth not please. Some would have a tax by the poundrate, and the king to name the commissioners; but I doubt it will not be convenient for his majesty, or men deputed by him, to have any hand in screwing up people; others would have such a tax farmed out, and the farmers to try their skill; but a tax fit to be farmed out should be of some continuance; whereas this must be paid at once, or within a short time. Besides, these farmers and commissioners must do their work by the help of informers; who, as I said before, are not pleasing. Moreover, go which way you will, this

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