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and under so many disadvantages, could by this only means secure our peace, and so widely extend the repute and honour of the English name; what country or what religion could ever give limits to the unbounded reputation of a full and legal parliament, so nobly qualified? What nation could there be so powerful as to resist our forces, or so politick as to infatuate our counsels? There is nothing within the compass of human wishes, that we might not assure ourselves from the wisdom and virtue of such a disinterested assembly, headed and encouraged by the most auspicious prince that ever yet swayed the English scepter. A prince who only waits the opportu nity of our own willingness to be happy, and is fixed with a longing eagerness to see the nation deserve the glorious effects of his inimitable conduct, and inexhausted beneficence; who only wishes a happy conjuncture of a free and unbyassed parliament, that he might join with them, in the rescue of himself and us, from the oppression of those devouring harpies, who would tear off the yet green and flourishing lawrels from his majestick brows, and ungratefully cast a tarnish upon the lustre of his bright and shining atchievements: That he might dissipate those inauspicious vapours, which have hindered him from breaking out in the height of his meridian glories, and intercepted his benign and noble influence upon his inferior and dependent orbs: That he might deliver up to justice those traiterous and insinuating parasites, who endeavour to inspire into his sacred breast an unworthy jealousy of his people, as if he wanted the assistance of a standing army to secure and establish to himself that throne, which he has already so firmly erected in the hearts and af. fections of his subjects: And lastly, that he might wholly discharge himself of those wretched and perfidious statesmen, who endeavour to fix the brand of their own acquired infamy upon their master, that they might make him as hateful to one party, for their vices, as he is already to another, for his own virtues, and deprive him of the glorious title, of the world's greatest benefactor, which he has so justly purchased to himself, by his immmortal performances. 12. I shall conclude with one word, in answer to such who may possibly think I have reflected too much upon the supineness and base neglect of the people of England; as if it were possible they could be such monstrous and unnatural self-murderers, as to give away with their own breath, and free consent, all their rights to their estates and lives. I confess I should be glad to find my labour lost upon this account: But I desire such to consider, that there are many honest and well-meaning Englishmen, who do not distinguish between our present government, and our present way of govern. ing; whose distance from the parliament, multiplicity of business, or other circumstances in the world, render them less able to penetrate the designs that are now carrying on, for the total subversion of our most excellent constitution. And it is plain on the other hand, that the great and unwearied diligence of the present conspirators, against our government, in order to support their future elections, does infer their thoughts, that the majority of the electors are capable of being imposed upon, in this gross and unexampled manner. Since

therefore, those, who are making us slaves, think it no great dif ficulty to effect their purposes, I see no reason, why I ought to be so tender as to forbear expressing my fears and apprehensions of their

success.

A

NEW LOOKING-GLASS FOR THE KINGDOM;

Wherein those that admire the late Governments*, may have a true prospect of Liberty and Slavery, and take their choice.

[From a half sheet, Folio, printed at London, for J. C. near Fleet-Bridge, 1690.]

IN the twelfth year of King Charles the Second, being the first of

his restoration, there was granted to him a subsidy of tonnage and poundage, and other sums of money, payable upon merchandise imported and exported, in consideration of the great trust and confidence which the parliament reposed in his majesty, in and for the guarding the seas,' against all persons that should attempt the disturbance of his subjects in the intercourse of trade, or by invasion of the kingdom.

The same year came forth another act, for the speedy provision of money, for disbanding and paying off the forces of the kingdom, by land and sea, by a contribution of all persons, according to their several ranks and degrees.

The same year likewise, by two acts more, were given to the king, by the one, seven-score-thousand pounds, for the compleat disbanding of the whole army, and paying off some part of the navy, by a two months assessment of seventy-thousand pounds a month: By the other, seventy-thousand pounds, as a present supply to his majesty.

After which, followed the act for settling certain impositions upon beer, ale, and other liquors, for the increase of his majesty's revenue, during his life.

The same year also, the post-office was erected by the parliament, with a considerable revenue accruing to the king. This parliament, after these great gifts, being dissolved, the next year, being the thirteenth of the king's reign, sat a new parliament, which, in the first place, passed an act for the 'free and voluntary present;' and then passed an act for granting to the king twelve-hundred and threescore-thousand pounds to be assessed and levied by an as sessment of threescore and ten-thousand pounds a month, for eighteen months.

* Of King Charles the Second and King James the Second.

French government should be enough to make these unthinking Jacobites tremble at the very sound of what they so extremely wish for, the return of their idol. The very picture of France is enough to kill with the sight of it. Where the people live in cottages of straw, in a fat and fertile soil, reduced to the utmost degree of poverty; where the miserable peasant, after he has tilled his land, when he comes to reap the fruit of his labour, has nothing to feed him but the rye and barley, or a few chesnuts; nothing to drink but water squeesed through the lees of the pressed grape; the collectors of the taxes, the impost-gatherers, and other ravenous beasts of prey carry off the corn, his wine, his oil, and other choicer conveniencies of life; so innumerable are the taxes, imposts, rights of entrance, peages, aids, &c. which, if a man should reckon up, he would seem to talk the language of a conjurer; and all these so tyrannically exacted, by the numberless swarms of ruffians, publicans, and har. pies, as render one of the most delightful countries in the world a hell upon earth. Into this condition was England tumbling, till re deemed by their most sacred majesties, King William and Queen Mary; and such would England be, if these unreasonable Jacobites might have their will; which God forbid.

AN

HISTORICAL ACCOUNT

OF THE RISE AND GROWTH

OF THE

WEST-INDIA COLONIES,

And of the great Advantages they are to England, in respect to Trade.

LICENSED ACCORDING TO ORDER.

London, printed 1690. Quarto, containing fifty-three pages, beside the title and dedication.

THE DEDICATION.

To my much honoured Friend, Sir Robert Davers, Baronet, and to the rest of the Gentlemen interested and concerned in the West-Indies.

GENTLEMEN,

THE following treatise was occasioned by the great and just com

plaints made by you, of the additional duty that was laid upon your product, and fell upon your labour and industry, though designed by the parliament to have been paid by the consumptioner; at that

time, the inventions of most men were at work (especially those that had any dealing with you, and a sense of your sufferings) to contrive a method, whereby relief might have given you, that are the best employed hands for the inriching and supporting this nation.

After much time had been spent, in endeavouring the taking off the duty, and it was found that no arguments were prevalent, and almost all people despairing of relief, then Col. Waldrond, myself, and others, with no small pains, nor little charge, contrived (as we thought) a method, that might not only have laid the duty on the consumptioner, but also might have relieved you from the complaints of those that do charge you with being great debtors, and to have enabled every planter to make the best advantage of their plantations, by supplying them with monies, at the common interest of the colonies, by preventing numerous sellers, necessitous and ignorant sales.

And that this might run through the most strict examination, before it should have been allowed of, we proposed, that his late majesty, and privy-council, might have the first view of it, that they might be satisfied it did not lessen his majesty's revenue, and that we might have his majesty's leave to propose it to the assemblies of every individual colony; and, if they did approve of it, and petitioned his majesty for the incorporating such societies, that then we, and our friends, might be interested in it.

But this, meeting with opposition, occasioned a hearing before his majesty, and the lords of his privy-council; and, after they were satisfied it did not lessen his majesty's revenue, our great debate, with the opposers, was about his majesty's giving leave for the sending of it to the colonies for them to try and examine it. His ma jesty was pleased to declare, that he could not understand any reason could be given why they might not have a sight of it, for he thought Barbadoes best knew what Barbadoes wanted. I believe none will deny, but that it met with a general approbation of all the lords of the council, except my Lord Chancellor, of whom I was informed by a friend (but at that time an opposer of this design) that he was our enemy, and accordingly we found him.

Soon after this hearing, the government began to be uneasy, and holding it not proper for a matter of this nature, to be further proceeded on, under an unsettled government, I rather chose to be silent, and bear such reflexions as were made by those that were totally ignorant of the method of our undertaking, though prejudicial to my particular interest, than to expose it to view, before I saw the government in a temper to consider of trade, and the great benefit you are to this nation.

Therefore, I have now exposed it for your view, that you may be judges whether it might have been, or may be serviceable to you, and whether our request of sending it to you was unreasonable.

You will find, by this treatise (as I humbly conceive) that our design would, at least, have raised the value of your goods to the price it bore before the additional duty was laid; and it was allowed at that hearing, by the opposers, that it would raise, at least, twenty per cent. Our method was, to have had all your goods, that came

to England, brought to one body of men, which we called a common factory, and they constantly to be chosen by you in your assemblies, and they to have been accountable to every consigner for the net proceed of every parcel of goods sold, for which your charge was not to exceed what you now pay. The other part of our design was to erect a company, separate from the common factory, which should have sufficient funds in each colony, to lend what monies you had occasion of, you giving security on lands or goods; and, if they did not lend it, on demand, they were to forfeit to the borrower considerable for every hundred pound demanded, the lands or goods being valued by sworn appraisers. What was lent, was to be continued during your pleasure, you paying your interest, when due, and you had power to pay it in, when you pleased, and they obliged to lend too, at least, one half value of land, or goods, and you not to have been confined to have borrowed it of them, but where else you pleased; so that this company might have been serviceable, but could not have been hurtful, for they were bound to obey, and had no power to command.

To make it next to impossibility, that the government should ever be imposed on, to permit any laws or designs of any persons whatsoever, let their pretences be ever so specious, to take effect, until the colonies, by their assembly, were consulted with: I have, to the best of my knowledge, given a true and just account of what im. port you are to this nation, by increasing of navigation, consuming the woollen-manufactory, of all sorts of apparel, houshold goods, &c. that are made in England; and that which was formerly foreign commodities, and cost us considerable yearly, by your industry, is become native, the nation freed from that charge, and the consumptioner saves, at least, one half of his expence, for the like quantity; besides the great advantage this nation receives by your goods exported, being over and above our consumption; and, lastly, all the riches you get in the Indies, by your great care, labour, and industry, is brought to England, and here it centers.

If you will be pleased to rectify my errors, that I through ignorance may have committed, that our legislators may be more fully satisfied, that you are, and ever must be Englishmen, and that you are much more beneficially employed there, for the benefit of this nation, than any the like number in England; that every hardship that is put upon you, that makes your goods dearer in foreign markets, or lessens the consumption in England, is a lessening to the trade of England, and, consequently, prejudicial to every subject in England: and, if this small treatise meets with your kind acceptance, I shall think myself very happy, and shall always be ready to demonstrate, that I am your well wisher, and, Gentlemen,

Your most humble and faithful Servant,

DALBY THOMAS.

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