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and under so many disadvantages, could by this only means secure our peace, and so widely extend the repute and honour of the English name; what country or what religion could ever give limits to the unbounded reputation of a full and legal parliament, so nobly qualified? What nation could there be so powerful as to resist our forces, or so politick as to infatuate our counsels? There is nothing within the compass of human wishes, that we might not assure ourselves from the wisdom and virtue of such a disinterested assembly, headed and encouraged by the most auspicious prince that ever yet swayed the English scepter. A prince who only waits the opportunity of our own willingness to be happy, and is fixed with a longing eagerness to see the nation deserve the glorious effects of his inimitable conduct, and inexhausted beneficence; who only wishes a happy conjuncture of a free and unbyassed parliament, that he might join with them, in the rescue of himself and us, from the oppression of those devouring harpies, who would tear off the yet green and flourishing lawrels from his majestick brows, and ungratefully cast a tarnish upon the lustre of his bright and shining atchievements: That he might dissipate those inauspicious vapours, which have hindered him from breaking out in the height of his meridian glories, and intercepted his benign and noble influence upon his inferior and dependent orbs: That he might deliver up to justice those traiterous and insinuating parasites, who endeavour to inspire into his sacred breast an unworthy jealousy of his people, as if he wanted the assistance of a standing army to secure and establish to himself that throne, which he has already so firmly erected in the hearts and affections of his subjects: And lastly, that he might wholly discharge himself of those wretched and perfidious statesmen, who endeavour to fix the brand of their own acquired infamy upon their master, that they might make him as hateful to one party, for their vices, as he is already to another, for his own virtues, and deprive him of the glorious title, of the world's greatest benefactor, which he has so justly purchased to himself, by his immmortal performances. 12. I shall conclude with one word, in answer to such who may possibly think I have reflected too much upon the supineness and base neglect of the people of England; as if it were possible they could be such monstrous and unnatural self-murderers, as to give away with their own breath, and free consent, all their rights to their estates and lives. I confess I should be glad to find my labour lost upon this account: But I desire such to consider, that there are many honest and well-meaning Englishmen, who do not distinguish between our present government, and our present way of governing; whose distance from the parliament, multiplicity of business, or other circumstances in the world, render them less able to penetrate the designs that are now carrying on, for the total subversion of our most excellent constitution. And it is plain on the other hand, that the great and unwearied diligence of the present conspirators, against our government, in order to support their future elections, does infer their thoughts, that the majority of the electors are capable of being imposed upon, in this gross and unexampled manner. Since,
therefore, those, who are making us slaves, think it no great difficulty to effect their purposes, I see no reason, why I ought to be so tender as to forbear expressing my fears and apprehensions of their
NEW LOOKING-GLASS FOR THE KINGDOM;
Wherein those that admire the late Governments*, may have a true prospect of Liberty and Slavery, and take their choice.
[From a half sheet, Folio, printed at London, for J. C. near Fleet-Bridge, 1690.]
J.N the twelfth year of King Charles the Second, being the first of his restoration, there was granted to him a subsidy of tonnage and poundage, and other sums of money, payable upon merchandise imported and exported, in consideration of the great trust and confidence which the parliament reposed in his majesty,' in and for the guarding the seas,' against all persons that should attempt the disturbance of his subjects in the intercourse of trade, or by invasion of the kingdom.
The same year came forth another act, for the speedy provision of money, for disbanding and paying off the forces of the kingdom, by land and sea, by a contribution of all persons, according to their several ranks and degrees.
The same year likewise, by two acts more, were given to the king, by the one, seven-score-thousand pounds, for the compleat disbanding of the whole army, and paying off some part of the navy, by a two months assessment of seventy-thousand pounds a month: By the other, seventy-thousand pounds, as a present supply to his majesty.
After which, followed the act for settling certain impositions upon beer, ale, and other liquors, for the increase of his majesty's revenue, during his life.
The same year also, the post-office was erected by the parliament, with a considerable revenue accruing to the king. This parliament, after these great gifts, being dissolved, the next year, being the thirteenth of the king's reign, sat a new parliament, which, in the first place,passed an act for the 'free and voluntary present;' and then passed an act for granting to the king twelve-hundred and threescore-thousand pounds to be assessed and levied by an assessment of threescore and ten-thousand pounds a month, for eighteen months. ,
» '• Of King Charles the Second and King Jimei the Second.
In the fourteenth year of the king, the additional revenue of hearth-money was settled upon his majesty, his heirs and successors.
In the fifteenth year of the king, were granted four intire subsidies from the temporality, and four from the clergy.
In the sixteenth year of the king, a royal aid was granted by the same parliament, of twenty -four-thousand four.hundred three-score and seventeen-thousand and five-hundred pounds, to be raised, levied, and paid, in three years space, for the king's extraordinary occasions. As an addition to which, in his seventeenth year, twelve-hundred and fifty-thousand pounds were granted for his majesty's farther supply, by the parliament at Oxon.
In the eighteenth year of the king, more money was raised by a poll-bill, for the prosecution of the Dutch war.
In his nineteenth year came forth another act, for raising three- hundred and ten-thousand pounds, by an imposition on wines and other liquors.
After which followed, in his twenty-second year, an imposition upon all wines and vinegar, for eight years, which was attended by the imposition upon brandy: together with another act, for advancing the sale of fee-farm-rents, and other rents; both valued at one-million thirteen-hundred and three-score thousand pounds.
In the twenty-second and twenty-third years of the reign of King Charles the Second, was granted another subsidy for supply of his occasions; twelve pence in the pound upon all lands, and money at interest; fifteen shillings in the hundred for all money owing to the bankers, and six shillings in the hundred upon personal estates.
After which, there followed an act for additional excise upon beer, ale, and other liquors; to which succeeded the law-bill: which three, being summed up together, were estimated at no less than two millions and a half.
After this, at the adjournment of the parliament, upon the sixteenth of April, 1677, being the twentieth of the king, passed an act, for raising the sum of five-hundred eighty-four-thousand nine-hundred seventy-eight pounds, two shillings, and two-pence halfpenny, for the speedy building thirty ships of war. Together with an additional excise upon beer, ale, and other liquors, for three years.
Upon the fifteenth of July, 1678, being the thirtieth of the king, passed an act, for granting a supply to his majesty, of six-hundred and nineteen-thousand three-hundred eighty-eight pounds, eleven shillings, and nine pence, for disbanding the army, and other uses therein mentioned.
With another act, for granting an additional duty upon wines for three years.
To all which may be added (for it cannot be forgotten in haste) the shutting up of the exchequer.
This, if it be not a perfect arithmetical account to some thousands of pounds, perhaps, yet it comes pretty near the matter, to shew, as in a mirror, the prodigious sums it cost the kingdom, in a few years, to maintain the vanity and profuseness of the court at that time, and to
Vol. ix. D d
support a design carried on all along, to subvert the religion, laws, liberties, and properties of the whole nation.
It is generally imprinted in the minds of men, that there is nothing so dear to them, as the preservation of their religion, their laws, their liberties, and properties. Life is contemned, to preserve these four inestimable comforts of human being; which makes it a strange thing to consider, that people, who were so lavish to undo themselves, should so stingily grudge a necessary, though more than ordinary expence, to be for ever quit of future danger.
They do not find their money now profusely wasted upon the excesses of prodigal luxury, nor upon wars, to extirpate the Protestant religion; nor upon designs, to enslave both their souls and bodies; but thriftily expended, by a frugal and saving prince*, once their generous and fortunate preserver, upon men, arms, and all manner of warlike ammunition, both by sea and land.
They find not now pretences of wars to juggle them out of their wealth, to be as deceitfully expended either upon pleasure, or to support the interest of the common foe: But a real war at the door, maintained by the capital enemies of the Protestant religion, and the general peace of Europe: and withstood with as much vigour, as prudent counsel and wary conduct will permit, by a prince no less vigilant, no less courageous and formidable, than his adversaries are potent and malicious.
To repine at expence, at such a time as this, and in the management of such princely and faithful hands, is to be like niggardly misers, that love the banquet, but grumble at the payment. The choice is now, whether to be free for ever, or slaves for ever? The expence is necessary, therefore just; and, being necessary and just, no true Englishman will murmur at the purchase of his own, and the preservation of his posterity, though it cost never so dear.
Is it possible there should be men that should so soon forget the late ravages of tyranny and popery, upon their religion and laws? Is it possible for fathers to forget the murders of their sons, or for sons to forget the haling of their parents to execution+? Is it possible for them to forget the contrivances of sham plots, and the subornation of perjured evidence, to take away the lives of the innocent +? They that so fondly kiss the late king's picture, and are so covetous of his return, forget the verses made upon the cruelty of Tiberius, that gave them sufficient warning of a prince returning from exile to power again, by the examples of Marius, Sylla, and Mark Anthony. There is nothing to be so much dreaded, as the disposition of a prince, longo exilio efferati, i. e. grown wild with long exilement; and, ignominia accensi, i. e. enraged at the ignominy he has received. They forget how infinitely the abdicated king must be beholden to his French patron, the professed enemy of the English name and freedom, if ever this kingdom should be so unhappy as to be under his clutches again. For, farewel, then, that noble liberty, which has so long blessed this fortunate land. And, therefore, the miseries of the
• Km 5 William the Third. tAiwu done in the we»t by Judge Jefferiea, and Col.
Kirk, alter MonraouUTi defeat, in the reign of Jamn the Second,
French government should be enough to make these unthinking Jacobites tremble at the very sound of what they so extremely wish for, the return of their idol. The very picture of France is enough to kill with the sight of it. Where the people live in cottages of Straw, in a fat and fertile soil, reduced to the utmost degree of poverty; where the miserable peasant, after he has tilled his land, when he comes to reap the fruit of his labour, has nothing to feed him but the rye and barley, or a few chesnuts; nothing to drink but water squeesed through the lees of the pressed grape; the collectors of the taxes, the impost-gatherers, and other ravenous beasts of prey carry off the corn, his wine, his oil, and other choicer conveniencies of life; so innumerable are the taxes, imposts, rights of entrance, peages, aids, &c. which, if a man should reckon up, he would seem to talk the language of a conjurer; and all these so tyrannically exacted, by the numberless swarms of ruffians, publicans, and harpies, as render one of the most delightful countries in the world a hell upon earth. Into this condition was England tumbling, till redeemed by their most sacred majesties, King William and Queen Mary; and such would England be, if these unreasonable Jacobites might have their will; which God forbid.
OF THE WEST-INDIA COLONIES,
And of the great Advantages they are to England, in respect to Trade.
LICENSED ACCORDING TO ORDER.
London, printed 1690. Quarto, containing fifty-three pages, beside the title and dedication.
To my much honoured Friend, Sir Robert Davers, Baronet, and to the rest of the Gentlemen interested and concerned in theWest-Indies.
HE following treatise was occasioned by the great and just complaints made by you, of the additional duty that was laid upon your product, and fell upon your labour and industry, though designed by the parliament to have been paid by the consumptioner; at that