traordinary penalties would be inflicted upon them; when their de. sign, at the same time, was nothing else but to protect and screen them from the ordinary course of justice. Such is now the difference, in point of corruption, between a common jury and the grand jury of the nation! such a mutual assistance and support have they been to one another, in the several mismanagements of their trusts; $o favourable have they been to their own creatures, and so implacable to those who have any way opposed their unjust proceedings, witness their scandalous partiality in the case of Duncomb, which I hope to see printed at large, for the satisfaction of the publick. If it were truly represented, I am sure there needs nothing more to excite in the people an universal detestation of their arrogance and injustice. And yet do these apostates pretend to value themselves upon their merit, in contriving that most destructive project of Exchequer bills, by which all impartial men must either think they notoriously dissemble with us, or that they have indeed lost their senses, when they speak of publick service; the word is so unbecoming in their mouths, and so aukwardly pronounced, that they seem not to breathe in their own element, when they usurp the name. These are the men who have endeavoured to render our condition hopeless, even beyond the power of the king himself to relieve us: For though his majesty be deservedly loved and honoured by his people, for his readiness to do them justice, and ease their oppressions, yet can we not expect it from him, whilst he is thus beset and surrounded, and his palaces invested by these conspirators against his own honour, and the welfare of his kingdoms. The only remedy, therefore, that remains is, to chuse such a parliament who lie under no temptations, and are acted by no other motives, but the real and true interest of his majesty and his dominions; a parliament that will fall unanimously upon publick business, and be free from those petty factions, and personal piques, which in the late session so shamefully obstructed and delayed the most important service of the commonwealth.

9. If it should be pretended, that the nation is yet unsettled, and the fear of King James has forced them upon these extraordinary methods for their own preservation; I answer, that no cause whatsoever can be justly alledged in vindication of such vile arts, and pernicious practices. But, I would farther ask them, what necessity there is, upon that account, for their gaining such prodigious estates to themselves, in so short a time, and in so merciless a way, when the nation was racked to the utmost by taxes in a long and expensive war? Is it the fear of King James, that has brought such a reproach upon our revolution, as if it needed to be supported by such mean and unjustifiable practices? Is it the fear of King James, that makes us content he should live so near us, or that he should be maintained at our own charge of fifty-thousand pounds per annum? Or has not rather King James been made the pretence for the unwarrantable proceedings of our conspirators, during the war, and since the conclusion of the peace? It is very strange, that King James, who is but their jest in private, should be thus made their publick bugbear, to frighten us out of our senses, like children; so that King James must be at

last our ruin abroad, who could not compass it by all his power and interest at home. And, in this sense, I am of their opinion, that we are not yet quite delivered from the fear of King James, who must be made the instrument of our slavery, by those very persons who pretend their greatest merit to consist in delivering us from him. But what is this, but making the old abdicated tyrant a footstool to ascend the throne of absolute power, and a scaffold for erecting that proud and stately edifice, from whence we have so justly tumbled him down headlong? But, it is to be hoped, the nation will be no longer imposed on by such stale pretences as these, and that a well chosen parliament will not fail to pass their severest censures upon those who would thus jest us out of all that is dear and valuable amongst us: That they will no longer resemble a flock of sheep (as Cato said of the Romans in his time) that follow the bell-wether, and are con tented, when all together, to be led by the noses of such whose counsels not a man of them would make use of in a private cause of his own: That they will at last vindicate the honour of England, and imitate their wise ancestors, in hunting down these beasts of prey, these noxious vermin to the commonwealth, rather than suffer them. selves to be led in collars and couples by one mighty Nimrod, who, upon the turning up his nose, shall expect a full cry of sequacious animals, who must either join voices, or be turned out of the pack.

10. Notwithstanding what I have said, I would not have any of them either really imagine themselves, or falsly suggest to others, that I envy them their places and preferments, which I am so far from doing, that I wish they rather had them, for the term of their lives. I desire only they may be subject to the laws, and to some power on earth, that may call them to account for their misbehaviours, that they may not be their own judges, that our sovereign remedy may not prove our chief disease, and that the kid may be seethed in something else than its mother's milk. Nor would I, by any means, deny them their seats in parliament, provided they are in a condition to speak and act freely, and discharged from those temptations, which I find they have not constancy enough to withstand; for, after all, I still believe many of them so honest, that nothing but money, or prefer. ments, will corrupt them. But if nothing will satisfy them, but the downright subversion of our constitution; if they will be content with nothing but the utter abolishing of all laws, and the rooting up of those fences, and securities, provided by our ancestors for the preservation of all things that are sacred and esteemed amongst mankind; it is high time for the electors to look about them, and disappoint their unreasonable and exorbitant hopes, and to spew them out as detestable members of the commonwealth; not only as unfit to be trusted with their liberties, but as unworthy to breathe in the air of a free government.

11. If any should say, that the alterations in elections will stand us in no stead, since, whoever are chosen, will still be bought off and bribed by court preferments; I answer, it will require a considera. ble time to new model and debauch a House of Commons, nor can it be done but by displacing all those, who are already possessed, to

traordinary penalties would be inflicted upon them; when their de sign, at the same time, was nothing else but to protect and screen them from the ordinary course of justice. Such is now the difference, in point of corruption, between a common jury and the grand jury of the nation! such a mutual assistance and support have they been to one another, in the several mismanagements of their trusts; so favourable have they been to their own creatures, and so implacable to those who have any way opposed their unjust proceedings, witness their scandalous partiality in the case of Duncomb, which I hope to see printed at large, for the satisfaction of the publick. If it were truly represented, I am sure there needs nothing more to excite in the people an universal detestation of their arrogance and injustice. And yet do these apostates pretend to value themselves upon their merit, in contriving that most destructive project of Exchequer bills, by which all impartial men must either think they notoriously dissemble with us, or that they have indeed lost their senses, when they speak of publick service; the word is so unbecoming in their mouths, and so aukwardly pronounced, that they seem not to breathe in their own element, when they usurp the name. These are the men who have endeavoured to render our condition hopeless, even beyond the power of the king himself to relieve us: For though his majesty be deservedly loved and honoured by his people, for his readiness to do them justice, and ease their oppressions, yet can we not expect it from him, whilst he is thus beset and surrounded, and his palaces invested by these conspirators against his own honour, and the welfare of his kingdoms. The only remedy, therefore, that remains is, to chuse such a parliament who lie under no temptations, and are acted by no other motives, but the real and true interest of his majesty and his dominions; a parliament that will fall unanimously upon publick business, and be free from those petty factions, and personal piques, which in the late session so shamefully obstructed and delayed the most important service of the commonwealth.

9. If it should be pretended, that the nation is yet unsettled, and the fear of King James has forced them upon these extraordinary methods for their own preservation; I answer, that no cause whatsoever can be justly alledged in vindication of such vile arts, and pernicious practices. But, I would farther ask them, what necessity there is, upon that account, for their gaining such prodigious estates to themselves, in so short a time, and in so merciless a way, when the nation was racked to the utmost by taxes in a long and expensive war? Is it the fear of King James, that has brought such a reproach upon our revolution, as if it needed to be supported by such mean and unjustifiable practices? Is it the fear of King James, that makes us content he should live so near us, or that he should be maintained at our own charge of fifty-thousand pounds per annum? Or has not rather King James been made the pretence for the unwarrantable proceedings of our conspirators, during the war, and since the conclusion of the peace? It is very strange, that King James, who is but their jest in private, should be thus made their publick bugbear, to frighten us out of our senses, like children; so that King James must be at

last our ruin abroad, who could not compass it by all his power and interest at home. And, in this sense, I am of their opinion, that we are not yet quite delivered from the fear of King James, who must be made the instrument of our slavery, by those very persons who pretend their greatest merit to consist in delivering us from him. But what is this, but making the old abdicated tyrant a footstool to ascend the throne of absolute power, and a scaffold for erecting that proud and stately edifice, from whence we have so justly tumbled him down headlong? But, it is to be hoped, the nation will be no longer imposed on by such stale pretences as these, and that a well chosen parliament will not fail to pass their severest censures upon those who would thus jest us out of all that is dear and valuable amongst us: That they will no longer resemble a flock of sheep (as Cato said of the Romans in his time) that follow the bell-wether, and are con tented, when all together, to be led by the noses of such whose counsels not a man of them would make use of in a private cause of his own: That they will at last vindicate the honour of England, and imitate their wise ancestors, in hunting down these beasts of prey, these noxious vermin to the commonwealth, rather than suffer them selves to be led in collars and couples by one mighty Nimrod, who, upon the turning up his nose, shall expect a full cry of sequacious animals, who must either join voices, or be turned out of the pack.

10. Notwithstanding what I have said, I would not have any of them either really imagine themselves, or falsly suggest to others, that I envy them their places and preferments, which I am so far from doing, that I wish they rather had them, for the term of their lives. I desire only they may be subject to the laws, and to some power on earth, that may call them to account for their misbehaviours, that they may not be their own judges, that our sovereign remedy may not prove our chief disease, and that the kid may be seethed in something else than its mother's milk. Nor would I, by any means, deny them their seats in parliament, provided they are in a condition to speak and act freely, and discharged from those temptations, which I find they have not constancy enough to withstand; for, after all, I still believe many of them so honest, that nothing but money, or prefer. ments, will corrupt them. But if nothing will satisfy them, but the downright subversion of our constitution; if they will be content with nothing but the utter abolishing of all laws, and the rooting up of those fences, and securities, provided by our ancestors for the preservation of all things that are sacred and esteemed amongst man. kind; it is high time for the electors to look about them, and disappoint their unreasonable and exorbitant hopes, and to spew them out as detestable members of the commonwealth; not only as unfit to be trusted with their liberties, but as unworthy to breathe in the air of a free government.

11. If any should say, that the alterations in elections will stand us in no stead, since, whoever are chosen, will still be bought off and bribed by court preferments; I answer, it will require a considerable time to new model and debauch a House of Commons, nor can it be done but by displacing all those, who are already possessed, to

therefore, those, who are making us slaves, think it no great dif ficulty to effect their purposes, I see no reason, why I ought to be so tender as to forbear expressing my fears and apprehensions of their

success.

A

NEW LOOKING-GLASS FOR THE KINGDOM;

Wherein those that admire the late Governments*, may have a true prospect of Liberty and Slavery, and take their choice.

[From a half sheet, Folio, printed at London, for J. C. near Fleet-Bridge, 1690.]

IN the twelfth year of King Charles the Second, being the first of

his restoration, there was granted to him a subsidy of tonnage and poundage, and other sums of money, payable upon merchandise imported and exported, in consideration of the great trust and confidence which the parliament reposed in his majesty, ' in and for the guarding the seas,' against all persons that should attempt the disturbance of his subjects in the intercourse of trade, or by invasion of the kingdom.

The same year came forth another act, for the speedy provision of money, for disbanding and paying off the forces of the kingdom, by land and sea, by a contribution of all persons, according to their several ranks and degrees.

The same year likewise, by two acts more, were given to the king, by the one, seven-score-thousand pounds, for the compleat disbanding of the whole army, and paying off some part of the navy, by a two months assessment of seventy-thousand pounds a month: By the other, seventy-thousand pounds, as a present supply to his majesty.

After which, followed the act for settling certain impositions upon beer, ale, and other liquors, for the increase of his majesty's revenue, during his life.

The same year also, the post-office was erected by the parliament, with a considerable revenue accruing to the king. This parliament, after these great gifts, being dissolved, the next year, being the thirteenth of the king's reign, sat a new parliament, which, in the first place, passed an act for the 'free and voluntary present;' and then passed an act for granting to the king twelve-hundred and threescore-thousand pounds to be assessed and levied by an as. sessment of threescore and ten-thousand pounds a month, for eighteen months.

* Of King Charles the Second and King James the Second.