It is but unnecessary to say, that had not his highness had a faculty to be fluent in his tears, and eloquent in his execrations: had he not had spongy eyes, and a supple conscience; and besides to do with a people of great faith, but little wit: his courage, and the rest of his moral virtues, with the help of his janisaries, had never been able so far to advance him out of the reach of justice, that we should have need to call for any other hand to remove him, but that of the hangman. 3. They abase all excellent persons, and rid out of the way all that have noble minds. Et terræ filios extollunt, and advance sons of the earth. To put Aristotle into other words, they purge both parliament and army, till they leave few or none there, that have either honour or conscience, either wit, interest, or courage to oppose their designs. And in these purgations, saith Plato, tyrants do quite contrary to physicians; for they purge us of our humours, but tyrants of our spirits. 4. They dare suffer no assemblies, not so much as horse-races. 5. In all places, they have their spies and dilators, that is, they have their Fleetwoods, their Broghills, and their St. Johns; be sides innumerable small spies, to appear discontented, and not to side with them; that under that disguise they may get trust, and make discoveries; they likewise have their emissaries to send with forged letters. If any doubt this, let him send to Major-general Brown, and he will satisfy him. 6. They stir not without a guard, nor his highness without his life-guard. 7. They impoverish the people, that they may want the power, if they have the will to attempt any thing against them. His highness's way is by taxes, excise, decimations, &c. 8. They make war to divert and busy the people; and besides to have a pretence to raise monies, and to make new levies, if they either distrust their old forces, or think them not suffici ent. The war with Spain serveth his highness to this purpose; and upon no other justice was it begun at first, or is still continued. 9. They will seem to honour and provide for good men; that is, if the ministers will be orthodox and flatter; if they will wrest and torture the scripture to prove his government lawful, and furnish his title; his highness will likewise be then content to understand scripture in their favour, and furnish them with titles. 10. Things that are odious and distasteful, they make others executioners of; and when the people are discontented, they appease them with sacrificing those ministers they employ. I leave it to his highness's major-generals to ruminate a little upon this point. 11. In all things they pretend to be wonderful careful of the publick; to give general accounts of the money they receive, which they pretend to be levied for the maintenance of the state, and the prosecuting of the war. His highness made an excel he names, A high court of justice: if to decimate men's estates, and, lent comment upon this place of Aristotle, in his speech to the liament. par. 12. All things set aside for religious uses they set to sale; that while those things last, they may expect the less of the peo. ple. The cavaliers would interpret this of the dean and chapters lands. 13. They pretend inspirations from Gods, and responses from oracles to authorise what they do; his highness hath been ever an enthusiast. And as Hugh Capet, in taking the crown, pretended to be admonished to it in a dream by St. Valery and St. Richard; so I believe will his highness do the same, at the instigation of St. Henry and St. Richard, his two sons. 14. Lastly, above all things they pretend a love to God and religion. This Aristotle calls Artuæ tyrannicariæ potissimam; the su rest and best of all the arts of tyrants; and we all know his highness hath found it so by experience. He hath found indeed, that in godliness there is great gain; and that preaching and praying, well managed, will obtain other kingdoms as well as that of heaven. His, indeed, have been pious arms, for he hath conquered most by those of the church, by prayers and tears. But the truth is, were it not for our honour to be governed by one that can manage both the spiri tual and temporal sword, and Roman like, to have our emperor, our high priest, we might have had preaching at a much cheaper rate, and it would have cost us but our tythes, which now costs us all. Other marks and rules there are mentioned by Aristotle to know tyrants by; but they being unsuitable to his highness's actions, and impracticable by his temper, I insist not on them. As, among other things, Aristotle would not have a tyrant insolent in his behaviour, and not strike people. But his highness is naturally cholerick, and must call men rogues, and go to cuffs. At last he concludes, he should so fashion his manners, as neither to be really good, nor absolutely bad, but half one, half the other. Now this half good is too great a proportion for his highness, and much more than his temper will bear. But to speak truths more seriously, and to conclude this first question. Certainly whatever these characters make any man, it cannot be denied but his highness is, and then, if he be not a tyrant, we must confess we have no definition nor description of a tyrant left us, and may well imagine there is no such thing in nature, and that it is only a notion and a name. But if there be such a beast, and we do at all believe what we see and feel, let us now enquire, according to the method we proposed, whe ther this be a beast of game, that we are to give law to, or a beast of prey, to destroy with all means, that are allowable and fair? In deciding this question, authors very much differ, as far as it concerns supreme magistrates, who degenerate into tyrants. Some think they are to be borne with as bad parents, and place them in the number of those mischiefs, that have no other cure, but our pa tience: Others think they may be questioned by that supreme law of the people's safety, and that they are answerable to the people's representatives for the breach of their trust. But none, of sober sense, make private persons judges of their actions; which were indeed to subvert all good government. But, on the other side, I find none, that have not been frighted or corrupted out of their rea son, that have been so great enemies to common justice and the li berty of mankind, as to give any kind of indemnity to a usurper, who can pretend no title but that of being stronger, nor challenge the people's obedience, upon any other obligation but that of their necessity and fear. Such a person, as one out of all bounds of human protection, all men make the Ishmael, against whom, is every man's hand, as his is against every man. To him they give no more security, than Cain, his fellow murtherer and oppressor, promised to himself, to be destroyed by him, that found him first. The reason why a tyrant's case is particular, and why in that every man hath that vengeance given him, which in other cases is reserved to God and the magistrate, cannot be obscure, if we rightly consider what a tyrant is, what his crimes are, and in what state he stands with the commonwealth, and with every member of it. And certainly, if we find him an enemy to all human society, and a subverter of all laws, and one that by the greatness of his villanies secures himself against all ordinary course of justice; we shall not at all think it strange, if then he have no benefit from human society, no protection from the law, and if, in his case, justice dispenses with her forms. We are therefore to consider that the end, for which men enter into society, is not barely to live, which they may do dispersed, as other animals, but to live happily, and a life answerable to the dignity and excellency of their kind. Out of society this happiness is not to be had; for singly we are impotent and defective, unable to procure those things, that are either of ne, cessity or ornament for our lives; and as unable to defend and keep them, when they are acquired. To remedy these defects, we associate together, that what we can neither enjoy nor keep singly, by mutual benefits and assistances one of another, we may be able to do both. We cannot possibly accomplish these ends, if we submit not our passions and appetites to the laws of reason and justice; for the depravity of man's will makes him as unfit to live in society, as his necessity makes him unable to live out of it; and, if that perverseness be not regulated by laws, men's appetites to the same things, their avarice, their lust, their ambition, would quickly make society as unsafe, or more than solitude itself, and we should associate only to be nearer our misery and our ruin. That therefore, by which we accomplish the ends of a sociable life, is our subjection and submis. sion to laws. These are the nerves and sinews of every society or commonwealth, without which they must necessarily dissolve and fall asunder. And indeed, as Augustine says, those societies where law and justice is not, are not commonwealths or kingdoms, but magna Latrocinia, great confederacies of thieves and robbers: those, there fore that submit to no law, are not to be reputed in the society of mankind, which cannot consist without a law: therefore Aristotle says, Tyranny is against the law of nature, that is, the law of human society, in which human nature is preserved. For this reason they deny a tyrant to be partem civitatis, for every part is subject to the whole; and a citizen, says the same author, is he who is as well obliged to the duty of obeying, as he is capable of the power of commanding; and indeed he does obey, whilst he does command; that is, he obeys the laws, which, says Tully, magistratibus præsunt, ut magistratus præsunt populo, are above the magistrates, as the magistrates are above the people. And therefore, a tyrant that submits to no law, but his will and lust are the law by which he governs himself and others, is no magistrate, no citizen, or member of any society, but an ulcer and a disease that destroys it; and, if it be rightly considered, a commonwealth by falling into a tyranny abso lutely loses that name, and is actually another thing: Non est civitas quæ unius est viri, saith Sophocles, that which is one man's is no city. For there is no longer king and people, or parliament or people, but those names are changed, at least their natures, into masters and servants, lord and slaves; and servorum non civitas erit sed magna familia, says Grotius, where all are slaves, it is not a city, but a great family; and the truth is, we are all members of Whitehall, and, when our master pleaseth, he may send for us thither, and there bore through our ears at the door-posts. But to conclude, a tyrant, as we have said, being no part of a common-wealth, nor submitting to the laws of it, but making himself above all law, there is no reason he should have the protection that is due to a member of a commonwealth, nor any defence from laws that does acknow. ledge none. He is therefore in all reason to be reckoned in the number of those savage beasts, that fall not with others, into any herd, that have no other defence but their own strength, making a prey of all that is weaker, and, by the same justice, being a prey to all that is stronger than themselves. In the next place, let it be considered, that a tyrant, making himself above all law, and defending his injustice by a strength, which no power of magistrates is able to oppose, he becomes above all punishment, above all other justice, than that he receives from the stroke of some generous hand; and, certainly, the safety of mankind were but ill provided for, if there were no kind of justice to reach great villainies, but tyrants should be immunditie scelerum tuti, secured by the greatness of their crimes.' Our laws would be then but cobwebs indeed, made only to catch flies, but not to hold wasps or hornets; and it might be then said of all commonwealths, what was said of Athens, That there only small thieves were hanged, but the great ones were free, and condemned the rest. But he, that will secure himself of all hands, must know he secures himself from none; he, that flies justice in the court, must expect to find it in the street; and he, that goes armed against every man, arms every man against himself. Bellum est in eos, qui judiciis coerceri non possunt,' says Cicero; we have war with those, against whom we can · 'have no law.' The same author, cum duo sint decertandi genera, &c.' There being two ways of deciding differences, the one by judgment and arbitration, the other by force; the one proper to men, the other to beasts; we must have recourse to the latter, when' the former cannot be obtained. And, certainly, by the law of nature, ubi cessat judicium,' 'when no justice can be had,' every man may be his own magistrate, and do justice for himself; for the law, says Grotius, that forbids me to pursue my right, but by a course of law, certainly supposes, ubi copia est judicii, where law and justice is to be had; otherwise, that law were a defence for injuries, not one against them; and, quite contrary to the nature of all laws, would become the protection of the guilty against the innocent, not of the innocent against the guilty. Now, as it is contrary to the laws of God and nature, that men, who are partial to themselves, and, therefore, unjust to others, should be their own judges, where others are to be had; so is it as contrary to the law of nature, and the common safety of mankind, that, when the laws can have no place, men should be forbidden to repel force by force, and so be left, without all defence and remedy, against the injuries. God himself left not the slave without remedy against the cruel master; and what analogy can it hold with reason, that the slave, that is but his master's money, and but part of his houshold-stuff, should find redress against the injuries and insolencies of an imperious master; and a free people, who have no superior but their God, should have none at all, against the injustice and oppression of a barbarous tyrant? And were not the incongruity full as great, that the law of God permitting every man to kill a thief, if he took him breaking open his house in the night; because then it might be supposed, he could not bring him to justice: but a tyrant, that is the common robber of mankind, and whom no law can take hold on, his person should be, sacrosanct, cui nihil sacrum aut sanctum, to whom nothing is sacred, nothing inviolable. But the vulgar judge ridiculously, like themselves; the glister of things dazzles their eyes, and they judge of them by their appearances, and the colours that are put on them. For what can be more absurd in nature, and contrary to all common sense, than to call him thief, and kill him, that comes alone, or with a few, to rob me; and to call him lord protector, and obey him, that robs me with regiments and troops? As if to rove with two or three ships were to be a pyrate, but, with fifty, an admiral! But, if it be the number of adherents only, not the cause, that makes the difference between a robber and a protector, I wish that number were defined, that we might know where the thief ends, and the prince begins; and be able to distinguish between a robber and a tax. But, sure, no Englishman can be ignorant, that it is his birthright to be master of his own estate, and that none can command any part of it, but by his own grant and consent, either made expresly by himself, or virtually by a parliament. All other ways are mere robberies in other names: auferre, trucidare, rapere, falsis nomini bus imperium, atque, ubi solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant;' 'to rob, to extort, to murder tyrants falsly called to govern, and to |