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had the misfortune to lose his tail; he would needs persuade his neighbours to cut off theirs, that thereby he might hide his own infirmity. It is certain Lewis the Fourteenth would be content that all the scepters of Christendom were only swayed by bastards, that his own spuriousness might be the less taken notice of. And if it be true, that some lawyers affirm of the old law of Normandy, that by it bastards did exclude the lawfully begotten; no body has reason to exclaim against Lewis le Grand's succession to the crown of France, since he is a Norman by birth, as born at St. Germain en Lye, the hithermost town of that province.

Methinks I hear the little Prince of Wales, or rather his true parents, exclaiming against me heavily, for calling him so often a bastard, and thus pleading against the injustice of my pen: ' What devil must inspire a man to call one a bastard, that is really begotten 'in lawful wedlock; and though he had the good fortune to be 'brought into Queen Mary's bed, by a skilful midwife, to be there 'owned for her own son, yet all this makes him not a bastard: and * pray who would have refused to lend their son to the heir of three 'crowns?' I confess there is reason in all this; and I am very inclinable to excuse both the little impostor and his parents, since few would have refused such an offer; and I oblige myself, that if ever I happen to be in England, when the gentleman comes to be king, I shall beg his pardon for giving him a name he deserves not.

KILLING NO MURDER; BRIEFLY DISCOURSED IN THREE QUESTIONS. BY WILLIAM ALLEN.

And all the people of the land rejoiced, and the city was quiet, after that they had slain Athaliah with the sword. 2 Chron. xxiii. 21.

Now after the time that Amaziah did turn away from following the Lord, they made a conspiracy against him in Jerusalem, and he fled to Lachish; but they sent to Lachish after him, and slew him there. 2 Chron. xxv. 27.

Reprinted inthe year 1689. Quarto, containing thirty pages.

To his Highness Oliver Cromwell. May it please your Highness,

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LOW I have spent some hours of the leisure, your highness hath been pleased to give me, this following paper will give your highness an account; how you will please to interpret it, I cannot tell; but I can, with confidence, say, my intention in it, is to procure your highness that justice nobody yet does you, and to let the people see, the longer they defer it, the greater injury they do both themselves and you. To your highness justly belong the honours of dying for the people, and it cannot chuse but be an unspeakable consolation to you, in the last moments of your life, to consider, with how much benefit to the world you are like to leave it. It is then only, my lord, the titles you now usurp, will be truly yours; you will then be, indeed, the deliverer of your country, and free it from a bondage, little inferiorto that from which Moses delivered his. You will then be that true reformer, which you would now be thought; religion shall then be restored, liberty asserted, and parliaments have those privileges they have fought for. We shall then hope, that other laws will have place, besides those of the sword, and that justice shall be otherwise defined, than the will and pleasure of the strongest; and we shall then hope, men will keep oaths again, and not have the necessity of being false and perfidious, to preserve themselves, and be like their rulers. All this we hope from your highness's happy expiration, who are the true father of your country; for, while you live, we can call nothing ours, and it is from your death that we hope for our inheritances. Let this consideration arm and fortify your highness's mind against the fears of death, and the terrors of your evil conscience, that the good you will do, by your death, will somewhat balance the evils of your life. And if, in the black catalogue of high malefactors, few can be found that have lived more to the affliction and disturbance of mankind, than your highness hath done; yet your greatest enemies will not deny, but there are likewise as few that have expired more to the universal benefit of mankind, than your highness is like to do. To hasten this great good is the chief end of my writing this paper; and, if it have the effects I hope it will, your highness will quickly be out of the reach of men's malice, and your enemies will only be able to wound you in your memory, which strokes you will not feel. That your highness maybe speedily in this security, is the universal wish of your grateful country; this is the desire and prayer of the good and of the bad, and, it may be, is the only thing wherein all sects and factions do agree in their devotions, and is our only common prayer. But, amongst all that put in their requests and supplications, for your highness's speedy deliverance from all earthly troubles, none is more assiduous, nor more fervent, than he, that, with the rest of the nation, hath the honour to be, may it please your highness,

Your Highness's present slave and vassal,

W. A.

To all those Officers and Soldiers of the Army, that remember their Engagements, and dare be honest.

I Heartily wish, for England's sake, that your number may be far greater, than I fear it is; and that his highness's frequent purgations may have left any amongstyou, that, by these characters,, are concerned in this dedication. That I, and all men, have reason to make this a doubt, your own actions, as well as your tame sufferings, do but too plainly manifest. For you, that were the champions of our liberty, and to that purpose were raised, are not you become the instruments of our slavery? And your hands, that the people employed to take off the yoke from our necks, are not those the very hands that now do put it on? Do you remember, that you were raised to defend the privileges of parliament, and have sworn to do it; and will you be employed to force elections, and dissolve parliaments, because they will not establish the tyrant's iniquity, and our slavery, by a law? I beseech you, think upon what you have promised, and what you do; and give not posterity, as well as your own generation, the occasion to mention your name with infamy, and to curse that unfortunate valour and success of yours, that only hath gained victories, as you use them, against the commonwealth. Could ever England have thought to have seen that army, that was never mentioned without the titles of religious, zealous, faithful, courageous, the fence of her liberty at home, the terror of her enemies abroad, become her jailers? Not her guard, but her oppressors? Not her soldiers, but a tyrant's executioners, drawing to blocks and gibbets all that dare be honcster than them, selves? This you do, and this you are; nor can you ever redeem your own honour, the trust and love of your country, the estimation of brave men, or the prayers of good, if you let not, speedily, the world see you have been deceived; which they will only then believe, when they see your vengeance upon his faithless head that did it. This, if you defer too long to do, you will find too late to attempt, and your repentance will neither vindicate you, nor help us. To let you see you may do this, as a lawful action, and to persuade you to it, as a glorious one, is the principal intent of this following paper: which, whatever effects it hath upon you, I shall not absolutely fail of my ends; for, if it excites not your virtue and courage, it will yet exprobrate your cowardice and baseness. This is from one that was once amongst you, and will be so again, when you dare be as you were.

It is not any ambition to be in print, when so few spare paper and the press, nor any instigations of private revenge or malice (though few, that dare be honest, now want their causes) that have prevailed with me to make myself the author of a pamphlet, and to disturb that quiet, which, at present, I enjoy, by his highness's great favour and injustice. Nor am I ignorant, to how little purpose I shall employ that time and pains, which I shall bestow upon this paper. For to think, that any reasons or persuasions of mine, or convictions of their own, shall draw men from any thing, wherein they see profit or security, or to any thing, wherein they fear loss, or see danger, is to have a better opinion, both of myself and them, than either of us both deserve. •

Besides, the subject itself is of that nature, that I am not only to expect danger from ill men, but censure and disallowance from many that are good. For these opinions, only looked upon, not

looked into (which all hare not eyes for) will appear bloody and cruel; and these compellations I must expect from those that have a zeal, butnot according to knowledge. If, therefore, I had considered myself, I had spared whatever this is of pains, and not distasted so many, to please so few, as are, in mankind, the honest and the wise, -But, at such a time as this, when God is not only exercising us with a usual and common calamity, of letting us fall into slavery, that used our liberty so ill; but is pleased so far to blind our under-standings, and to debase our spirits, as to suffer us to court our bondage, and to place it amongst the requests we put up to him. Indignation makes a man break that silence, that prudence would persuade him to use; if not to work upon other men's minds, yet to ease his own.

A late pamphlet tells us of a great design, discovered against the person of his highness, and of the parliament's coming (for so does that junto profane that name) to congratulate, with his highness, his happy deliverance from that wicked and bloody attempt. Besides this, that they have ordered that God Almighty shall be mocked with a day of thanksgiving, as I think the world is with the plot, and that the people shall give publick thanks for the publick calamity, that God is yet pleased to continue his judgments upon them, and to frustrate all means that are used for their deliverance. Certainly, none will now deny, that the English are a very thankful people. But, I think, if we had read in Scripture, that the Israelites had cried unto the Lord, not for their own deliverance, but the preservation of their task-masters; and that they had thanked God, with solemnity, that Pharaoh was yet living, and that there were still great hopes of the daily increase of the number of their bricks: Though that people did so many things, not only impiously and prophanely, but ridiculously and absurdly; yet, certainly, they did nothing, we should more have wondered at, than to have found them ceremoniously thankful to God for plagues, that were commonly so brutishly unthankful for mercies; and we should have thought, that Moses had done them a great deal of wrong, if he had not suffered them to enjoy their slavery, and left them to their tasks and garlick.

I can, with justice say, my principal intention, in this paper, is not to declaim against my lord protector, or his accomplices; for, were it not more to justify others, than accuse them, I should think their own actions did that work sufficiently, and I should not take pains to tell the world what they knew before. My design is, to examine whether if there hath been such a plot as we hear of, and that it was contrived by Mr. Sindercombe, against my lord protector, and not by my lord protector, against Mr. Sindercombe, which is doubtful, whether it deserves those epithets, Mr. Speaker is pleased to give it, of bloody, wicked, and proceeding from the prince of darkness. I know very well, how uncapable the vulgar are of considering what is extraordinary and singular in every case, and that they judge of things, and name them, by their exterior appearances, without penetrating at all into their causes or natures And, without doubt, when they hear the protector was to be killed, they strait conclude, a man was to be murdered, not a malefactor punished; for they think, the formalities do always make the things themselves; and that it is the judge and the cryer that makes the justice, and the jail the criminal. And, therefore, when they read, in the pamphlet, Mr. Speaker's speech, they certainly think, he gives these plotters their right titles; and, as readily as a high court of justice, they condemn them, without ever examining whether they would have killed a magistrate, or destroyed a tyrant, over whom every roan it naturally a judge, and an executioner, and whom the laws of God, of nature, and of nations, expose, like beasts of prey, to be destroyed as they are met.

That I may be as plain as I can, I shall, first, make it a question, which, indeed, is none, whether my lord protector be a tyrant or not? Secondly, if he be, whether it is lawful to do justice upon bim, Without solemnity, that is, to kill him? Thirdly, if it be lawful, whether it is likely to prove profitable or noxious to the common, wealth?

The civil law makes tyrants of two sorts; tyrannus sine titulo, and tyrannus exercilio: the one called a tyrant, because he hath no right to govern; the other, because he governs tyrannically. We will briefly discourse of them both, and see whether the pro. tector may not, with great justice, put in his claim to both titles.

We shall sufficiently demonstrate who they are that have not a right to govern, if we shew who they are that have, and what it is that makes the power just, which those, that rule, have over the na. tural liberty of other men. To fathers, within their private families, nature hath given a supreme power. Everyman, says Aristotle, of right governs his wife and children; and this power was necessarily exercised, every where, whilst families lived dispersed, before the constitutions of commonwealths; and, in many places, is continued after, as appears by the laws of Solon, and the most ancient of those of Rome. And, indeed, as by the laws of God, and nature, the care, defence, and support of the family lies upon every man whose it is; so, by the same law, there is due unto every man from his family, a subjection and obedience, in compensation of that support. But, several families uniting themselves together, to make up one body of a commonwealth, and being independent one of another, without any natural superiority or obligation, nothing can introduce, amongst them, a disparity of rule and subjection, but some power that is over them, which power none can pretend to have, but God and themselves: Wherefore all power, which is lawfully exercised over such a society of men, which, from the end of its institution, we call a commonwealth, must necessarily be derived, either from the appointment of God Almighty, who is supreme Lord of all and every part, or from the consent of the society itself, who have the next power to his, of disposing of their own liberty, as they shall think fit, for their own good. This power God hath given to societies of men, as well as he gave it to particular persons; and when he iiu

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