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taken of our decay, even in the midst of peace) if, when the humour possesseth that daring monarch (whose armies, like birds of prey, are always on the wing) to move towards us, either in pretence, or reality (which, by the event, is only determinable) we must equip, at least, our fleet, at six or seven-hundred-thousand pounds charge, to prevent the mere fear of an invasion; and when we are wearied, and consumed by so many fruitless, yet necessary armings, and laid to slumber after so many alarums, who can but easily foresee what dreadful effects may ensue? Wherefore, I conclude, with that great statesman, Cicero, Pace suspecta tutius bellum*.

But suppose, that, whilst the United Provinces and Spain maintain their posts, we were able both to resist his attempts, and bear the expence, yet, it is scarce deniable, but, if he devour those countries, by piece-meals, and pluck up that glorious commonwealth, by the roots (which, without effectual assistance, infallibly he will) we must also receive a law from him; for what can then keep us, with the rest of Christendom, from subjection to that crown? since we already see the very clappings of his wings beget amazement. Join the power and riches of Holland to him, and all the known world must bow to his scepter.

Again, should France attempt, and reduce us to severe terms, whilst our neighbours stand with their arms across, it would only expedite their confusion, and draw on them a more certain con quest.

I will not, therefore, doubt, but as the safeties of us, and our allies, are floating in one common bottom, and fortified by mutual interests (the only true cement of leagues) so our joint designs, when once put into action, will be vigorously pushed on, till the balance of Christendom be reduced to its proper standard. And, whereas it must be granted, that no conquest can satiate, bonds tye, nor leagues charm this great pretender †, whereby the milky ways of peace may felicitate Europe, without the costly and terrible guards of armies, so long as the odds remain so unequal, and this mighty hero (armed and victorious) is able thus to affright the world, hec tor his neighbours, impose upon the weak, and, on every feeble pretence, ransack their countries, without revenge; nothing remains justifiable by the just rules of policy, but with the joint arms of all parties concerned (which, indeed, is all Europe) to attack this illustrious man, upon the very first just provocation, and by dint of sword, carry the war into his own bosom; and from the example of wise princes, make his country, at once, both the seat of war and desolation; whereof the Romans, in the war of Carthage, are a puissant instance; whereas, on the contrary, the states, and princes of Europe, Italy especially, neglecting of late to assault the Turk powerfully before Candia, are now justly expecting him, with horror and amazement, at their own doors. He that fights in his enemy's country, does in effect, fight at his enemy's cost; and when peace is clapped up, leaves his enemy, for that age, poor, and miserable, as

A war is safer than a suspected peace.

To universal monarchy.

we have, not long since, beheld in poor Germany. The French king, therefore, commonly makes himself the assailant, maintaining half his wars at his adversaries charge, by fighting in their countries; where, if he receive a blow, he has his own unharrassed kingdom, either to receive, or recruit him; and our heroick Elisabeth (who, knowing that virtue and justice were the only ligaments of her people's love, governed her affairs with miraculous wisdom and housewifery, made her payments sure to a proverb, and was accordingly adored) studied by all arts imaginable to fight her enemies on their own soil, whereby at once she imprinted thereon the terrible marks of desola. tion, and preserved her country as proper fuel, wherewith, on all occasions, to consume her adversaries. Nor was her sister Mary intentionally her inferior in this particular, when the loss of Calais (which, in her hand, was so ready an inlet to assail either of the great pretenders, as common interest directed) was supposed either to have occasioned, or hastened her death. For this reason, all our kings, from the glorious Edward the Third, to Queen Mary, being two hundred and ten years, with infinite care and cost, preserved Calais against all comers, as a sacred jewel of the crown; however, a sort of new policy seems of late to have been introduced. He that fights out of his country, seldom ventures any thing besides an army; but he that is assaulted, and beat upon his own dunghill, commonly loseth that with the victory, or at least suffereth ten-thousand ca lamities, besides the usual terrors of invasion: whereof the Swedes descent into Germany, by virtue of their king's courage and alliances (such as I drive at) is a wonderful example; wherein, a puissant emperor (armed and victorious as France is now) was courageously set upon, and after a fierce war of sixteen years, and the death (as is supposed) of three hundred thousand Germans, torn to pieces by so many eager confederates (whereof France was none of the small ones) who by the deep counsels of those mighty oracles, Richelieu and Oxenstern (guided peradventure by a divine hint) pursued this method, as the likeliest way to chastise and humble that haughty family, who otherwise, possibly, would by piecemeals, or drowsy peace, have swaggered, if not subdued Europe. Let brave princes, for the common safety of Christendom, repeat this counsel, on another theatre, the scale may soon be turned, and France most justly be chastised with her own terrible scourge forty years after; other. wise it must be a long and unlucky war, managed by France, on the soil of other princes, to make her miserable, so long as she enjoys peace at home. Allow her that, and she may tug hard with Christen. dom; like Spain, who, by virtue of the domestick peace, contended, in effect, with all Europe, for eighty years, and put them shrewdly to their trumps. Nothing more, than peace at home, enables a prince to manage wars abroad; he then that will humble his enemy, must throw wild fire into his bosom, carry the war into his country, and strike home, at the head and heart.

Nor are the ill humours, which, peradventure, may be found, in every country, the meanest argument to excite an invasive war; since poor Germany received the deepest wounds, from his own weapons,

and France by her arbitrary government, and intolerable impo sitions (to omit the natural fickleness of her people, the oppressed Huguenots, and the lofty and never-dying pretences of the house of Conde) hath probably prepared combustible matter, wherewith at any time to consume herself, when once, especially her neighbours, with powerful arm, bring flames unto it, which otherwise (as we have there often seen within this thirty years) is, in effect, as soon extinguished as begun.

Why then does Europe slumber, and meekly suffer such dangerous clouds to increase, and impend, till of themselves they break about their ears? Our common safeties invocate our common arms to assail this lion in his den, pare his claws at least, and abate his fierceness, and instead of expecting him in ours, attack him vigorously in his own country on the next just provocation, since nothing is more certain than that delays and softness fortify the danger, and improve that, which, in prudence, is now resistible, into a folly to withstand. Slight distempers, at first despised, prove oftentimes deadly; whereas to meet with a disease, before it come to the crisis, is a probable means to ascertain the cure, and venienti occurrite morbo, may bė as choice a maxim in government, as aphorism in physick. Pax queritur bello, was a shrewd motto of a bad man, and ought, more justly, on this occasion, to be wrote in capital letters, on all the confederate standards of Europe. In fine, he that sees not an ab. solute necessity of embracing speedily a confederate war, to abate the edge of this illustrious pretender, hath either not duly weighed the danger, has some vile, and by-ends, Bethlem mad to introduce some heresy, or is resolved to truckle. Tanti religio potuit suadere malorum.

I should tremble to sound a trumpet to war (which is always ac companied with fearful circumstances) did I not from my soul be lieve that a supreme peace, like an incurable gangrene, would create greater calamities, and introduce both a certain war, and the hazard of a total subversion. For, if whilst we become meer spectators of our neighbour's losses, and calamities, this prince, either by force or subtlety, improve his dominions, we can expect no other favour, but the miserable satisfaction, either to be last devoured, or shame fully imposed upon; which sounds so dolefully in every free-born ear, that, to prevent it, nothing can be esteemed too dear; whereas a speedy arming of all the confederates may not only repel, but force the infection into his own bowels, and make him experimentally feel those miseries, which, meerly to aggrandise his name, and kingdom, he has incompassionately brought on others; whereof I may not doubt, when I consider how one of his majesty's three kingdoms by the proper virtue of her kings (which were truly heroick) and the slender help of some one confederate, hath more than once made terrible impressions in France, and turned up even the foundations of her government; for which those brave princes will be eternally celebrated, whilst the memory of the slothful and voluptuous perish, who, by forgetting their own, and their nation's honour, have taught their own and future ages, to forget and dishonour them. So true is

it, that that prince, who reigns without honour, lives in contempt, and danger, and has his tomb, at last, besmeared with reproaches

Men cannot be wanting for so honourable and necessary a war, whilst these three kingdoms enjoy peace at home; nor money (the soul of war) if prudently managed, since the issue of such a war must, with the divine blessing, secure the subjects in their beds, and establish such a peace as may be a lasting happiness to the Christian world. They will therefore certainly tear open their breasts, and give the king their hearts, and with them their hands and purses, whilst, with Cato, they esteem nothing too dear for the peace of the com monwealth, according to the Dutch motto, Defend us, and spend

us.'

And, although we must not expect a cheap war, yet certainly it cannot be dearer than a watchful, suspected, and languishing peace, in which we must consume the treasure of our nation, by upholding great armaments by sea and land, to watch a seeming friend, that he become not a real enemy, and yet not be able to prevent it at last. Nor needs any treasure be exported in specie (which, by all imagi nable ways, ought to be avoided as part of our life-blood) but the value thereof transported in the growths and manufactures of England (besides clothes for the soldiery) which either his majesty's ministers may there expose to sale, or our confederates be obliged to answer quarterly at a certain rate; being assured the Swedes maintained that long war in Germany, without drawing any silver out of their dominions; but, contrariwise, inriched their country with the choicest spoils of their enemies, as by woful experience we have found the Scots wisely to practise upon us*.

I know it will be objected, that we are in an untoward pickle to begin a war, after so many hideous calamities, grievous impositions, and universal fall of our rents, occasioned by a thousand follies; and why shall we throw off peace a moment sooner than we must needs lose her; seeing, with the loss of her, our trade must be miserably interrupted?

To which, I answer, that were the continuance of peace and trade to be always at our option, and that probably, the power of no neighbour could ever part us, he were beyond the cure of helle boret, that would propose war in their stead; but seeing the case is quite contrary, peace and trade were better suspended for some years, with probable hopes to enjoy them plentifully afterwards, than, after a short enjoyment, to humour an unreasonable fondness, lose them and freedom eternally. Not, but that I am powerfully persuaded, that the very commencement of such a war may be so far from interrupting our trade a moment, that it may be, at once, the only means to enlarge ours, and beat the French out of hers: whereas, we now plainly see, how, during this present uncertain peace, she dilates her commerce, and thrives on the ocean; which, with the very first approaches of a confederate war, must, in all probability, vanish; whilst the Dutch and we have thereby so many advantages, both to beat her out of sea, and increase our own In times past, before the two kingdoms were united.

te. uncurably made

navigation and traffick. This is certain, such a war cannot prejudice us, by hindering our trade with her; it being notoriously known, that our commerce there is, at once, mischievous to us, and strangely advantageous to her, whether you respect the open or clandestine traffick: First, in the quantity, by the vast over-balance of her com modities. And, Secondly, in the quality of them; those which she receives from us, being such as are necessary, and useful to her, and infinitely disadvantageous to us, as our wool, &c. whilst we import nothing from thence, but what we were a thousand times better to be without; and such as, if we consume them not, must, in effect, perish on their hands, to the infinite prejudice of her king, and people, as we know they now suffer by the Dutch late prohibition of brandy, salt, &c. and which, to gratify our ill-tutored humours, and appetites, subdue our rents, corrupt and impoverish our nobility and gentry, destroy our manufactures, and snatch the bread out of the mouths of our artificers, and, by consequence, increase our poor, and render us the most vain and luxurious creatures in Europe.

And, although I cannot magnify our present condition, and fitness for war; yet certainly, it is safer enterprising her abroad (as shaken as we are) with the help of powerful confederates (whose shoulders may bear part of the burthen) whilst there remain fresh hopes of victory, than slumber in a dangerous peace, till invincible mischiefs awake us, our neighbours subdued, our trade expired, war brought to our doors by a triumphant enemy heightened by conduct and successes, and cock-pit law against us; hoping, now, by a reason able army (such as the nation may maintain in pay and courage) and the joint force of confederates, to reduce the scale, and confirm that peace, which thrice their numbers, and treble charge at another time, cannot procure; and, of all evils, the least is always to be chosen.

If I be asked, what assurance can princes have of alliances, since all ages afford untoward instances of foul play therein, to the ruin, commonly, of the most sincere and daring?

Not to distinguish between the dissimulation of the south (where, under the name of prudence and circumspection, falshood and frauds are daily reverenced) and the sincerity of the north (where most of our alliances are) nor debate the difference between leagues commenced by revenge, passion, or some frivolous capricio (which are no sooner patched together, than rent asunder) and those led on by the exact rules of common safety and government (whose results are immortal) I answer, that honourable leagues hold commonly inviolable, until the several fundamental interests of the confederates are secured. Now it is almost impossible, that any prince's true interest can be secured, whilst France remains so mighty and rampant. Let the league hold, till her swaggering fit be over, her nails pared, and she reduced to terms of modesty and good neighbourhood, and then let the allies fall off as they please. I know, in all leagues of this nature, differences from several little interests have risen, how far it has been safe, or necessary, to weaken the common enemy;

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