SENATE.] Reports on the Post Office. [JUNE 11, 1834. tinued for only a year and three quarters, so that they had gave the officer the highest evidence of its gratitude for received only 3,500 dollars of the extra allowance; that the service. He remined us that Mr. Monroe, while Secthey, at least, were no favorites; that the improvements retary of War, borrowed money of the banks for the use (as they are called) on the route next above theirs had of his Department; borrowed it at a time when the Treas been grievously injurious to them; and that the system of ury was empty, and the Government unable to negotiate extra allowances, instead of operating beneficially to them, a loan in the regular manner; borrowed it on his own rehad given them just cause of complaint, and had been sponsibility, because it was absolutely necessary to enable the subject of complaint to the Department. Mr. L. the Department to furnish those essential supplies for thought it proper to mention the facts, of which he had General Jackson's army which enabled General Jackson thus been informed, in justice to Peck & Welford. But to make his successful and glorious defence of New Orhe had another reason for mentioning them. The Com-leans. And the gentleman said that this violation of the mittee on the Post Office Department had done as much constitution, in effect, elevated two persons (the Secreas could reasonably have been expected of them; they tary and the General) to the Presidency. This was the had detected numerous and enormous abuses; they had first time Mr. L. had ever heard it surmised that Mr. exposed many errors in the reports made to Congress; Monroe owed his elevation to the Presidency to the pubbut much, doubtless, remained yet unrevealed. They lic confidence and gratitude he had earned by this piece had pointed out instances in the Blue Book, of payments of service, or indeed any one act of public service. reported to have been made, much smaller in amount And, as to General Jackson, it is well known he bad than the sums in fact allowed and paid; but they had not regarded the ascription of praise to Mr. Monroe, pointed out the instances of allowances there stated to in this particular, as a detraction from the credit he have been made, far exceeding the sums in truth allowed. claimed for himself exclusively, for the successful defence This case of Peck & Welford was one instance of a mis- of New Orleans. The share of praise bestowed on Mr. representation, or inaccuracy, of the latter kind; and Mr. Monroe, had excited the General's warm indignation-as L. had no doubt there were other instances of the the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. SOUTHARD] could same kind, equally remarkable, and, he would add, equal-vouch, if any gentleman wanted information on the subly unaccountable and inexcusable. ject. The gentleman from Georgia was better acquaintThe first time he had cast his eyes upon the Blue Book, ed with the history of those times than Mr. L. pretended he had been forcibly struck with the fact, that the register to be, and might be able to explain why and how Mr. of officers of Government, other than those of the Post Monroe's violation of the constitution, in the instance alOffice Department, executive, legislative, and judicial, luded to, contributed to elevate him to the Presidencyincluding the army and navy lists, the public printers, [Mr. FORSYTH explained—but his remarks were not and the directors of the Bank of the United States and distinctly heard by the reporter. He was understood to its branches, occupied one hundred and eighty-six pages, say he had not expressed any approbation of the conduct while the officers and contractors of the Post Office De. of Mr. Monroe in negotiating the loan alluded to, nor partment filled two hundred and sixty-seven pages of that given any opinion of the propriety of it.] volume. It was not too much to say, that at least one Mr. LEIGH said, he had not attributed to the gentleman moiety of the immense patronage of the Government from Georgia any opinion as to the propriety or improwas exercised through the Post Office Department. How priety of Mr. Monroe's conduct: he only attributed to the other patronage of the Executive had been exercised, him the words he used-that this violation of the constiMr. L. would not, in the present state of his information, tution by Mr. Monroe, was the operating cause of the elpretend to say-but how the patronage of the Post Office evation of two persons to the Presidency. However, the Department had been exercised, the reports of this com- only question of importance was, whether a precedent mittee (he meant the report of the minority, as well as was to be found in Mr. Monroe's conduct, upon the printhat of the majority, of the committee, for, as to matters ciple of which the borrowing of money by the Postmaster of fact, there was very little difference between them) General could be excused? The gentleman from Massabut too plainly showed. He had heard the disclosures chusetts [Mr. WEBSTER] had already pointed out many made and admitted in these reports, with astonishment and strong points of diversity between the two transacand indignation. For abuses so gross and palpable, the tions. Mr. L. would not repeat what he had said. He attempt to find even plausible excuses was a vain and only desired to remark, that the plea of necessity could hopeless labor. never furnish any excuse for a violation of the constitu It was now admitted, on all sides, that the Postmaster tion and the laws, by any officer of Government, if the General, in borrowing money at six per cent. interest, necessity which he relied on for his excuse was a necesfrom time to time, to the amount of near half a million, sity created by himself. The necessity under which Mr. had committed a direct and plain violation of the consti- Monroe acted, was sudden, unexpected, unavoidable; not tution; and the Senators from Tennessee and Georgia, produced by any conduct of his own, by any neglect of [Mr. GRUNDY and Mr. FORSYTH] both, in the most expli- duty, by any mismanagement or wasteful expenditure of cit terms, admitted that this was such a violation of the the funds appropriated for his Department; it was a neconstitution as could nowise be justified. The most they cessity suddenly imposed upon him by the operations of contended for was, that an excuse might be found for it war, over which he had no control. The Postmaster in the necessity of the case. There might, indeed, be a General had created the necessity which was now pleaddegree of necessity that might excuse violations of the ed in his excuse. He himself had extended the operaconstitution, in sudden and unavoidable emergencies, for tions of his Department beyond its financial capacity. which no provision had or could have been made by The deficiency of the funds of the Department to meet law; and when such a case of necessity was made out, the expenditure must have been at first trivial; he ought the officer yielding to it ought to be excused and indem- to have known when the expenditure exceeded the revenified; but care should be taken, always, that the case nue, as soon as the fact occurred, and to have retrenched should not be drawn into precedent. This was the use of the expenditure; which he might easily have done, by .bills of indemnity on such occasions. The gentleman cutting off the extra services of the mail contractors, and from Georgia mentioned an instance of a head of a depart- so saving the extra allowances. The deficiency of the ment borrowing money, without authority of law, and funds must have grown to its present amount by slow detherefore in violation of the constitution, yet under such grees. The deficiency then was imputable to himself, circumstances, that his country not only excused the act, and was of itself a palpable instance of misconduct or and refunded the money, but was most grateful, and neglect. He had deliberately created the necessity to JUNE 11, 1834.] Reports on the Post Office. [SENATE. borrow money; and that necessity, instead of being an interest and importance. Claims of power, principles of excuse for violating the constitution, was an aggrava- construction, acts of right or of usurpation, are in issue, tion of his fault. which they must try, and render a verdict of approval or In speaking of the Postmaster General, and imputing condemnation of those to whom they have confided the the whole fault to him, Mr. L. said he had followed the administration of their Government. Elections approach example of other gentlemen in the debate; who had re- by which this verdict is to be rendered; and my anxious ferred only to him, because he was the head of the De- desire is, that they may have the evidence before them, partment. But he apprehended that the whole fault was in its most authentic form. These documents are a part not justly imputable to this officer; that many abuses were of that evidence-procured from official sources, collated laid at his door which were more justly imputable to by faithful men, and clothed with high and responsible others, who stood in the back ground, and were willing sanctions. Let the people hear it, and decide. enough to see him bear the whole blame, if they could be electioneering, so be it. I avow my purpose to be, to be screened from observation and censure. If the Presi- give to the people of the United States full opportunity to dent was right in the doctrines he had promulgated to the know the manner in which one of the great departments nation, he was responsible for all the abuses of the Post of the Government has been conducted; how their agents Office Department, whether he was actually a party to have acted in their sacred trust; how those agents have them or not; but Mr. L. held him to no such responsibili-been sustained, and now are sustained, by the Chief Exty. He would gladly be informed, whether the Post- ecutive, and by those who advocate all that is claimed for master General had negotiated his several loans of money power, and all that is done with the approbation of the without the President's knowledge, without any previous Chief Magistrate. If this authority given by him, or subsequent sanction? Was it It is manifest from these reports and documents, that possible, that the Postmaster General had taken such the money and agents of this Department have been measures, without apprizing the President of his proceed- used to act upon and influence the elections. Their inings, and without his approbation or sanction? When fluence has, however, been, heretofore, in a great degree was it, that the President was first informed that the secret, unseen, and unknown, even while they were conPostmaster General was going to borrow, or had borrow- trolling the expression of popular opinion at the polls. ed money? Was it before the first loan was negotiated, This fact has been charged-but denied-and the evior at any intermediate time before the last? From the dence was sealed up in the Department. A part of it is moment the President was informed of the proceedings, now exposed to public observation. Let it be dissemihe sanctioned them, and made them his own, by retain-nated, so that, at the next elections, the people may uning the Postmaster General in office; and, thenceforth, derstand the force against which they have to contend, the President became really responsible for this unconsti- how the money is procured and scattered, and whence tutional borrowing of money. And Mr. L. hoped that, the agents are sent. When these things are known, the in the further investigations which this subject required, results may be left to that proud spirit of freemen which some information might be revealed which would enable scorns secret corruptions. Our duty will be discharged him to determine the just share of the blame that ought when we shall have given the warning in time. The duto be imputed to the Postmaster General, and whether ty of the people will be faithfully discharged by them and how much of the censure ought to fall on the Presi- afterwards. dent himself. Justice to the subordinate required, that he should not bear the whole blame of what the chief au thorized or sanctioned. Mr. SOUTHARD said the course of the debate rendered it proper for him to add a few words. I expressed some censure of the conduct of the Department in allowing one of the clerks to make profit out of a contract, not advertised, and which was increased by extra allowance and other contrivances, to an amount of several thousand dollars, so as to swallow up all, and more The Senator from Georgia [Mr. FORSYTH] objects to than all, the postage money received in the Territory of so large a sum being taken from the contingent fund of Michigan. It has been argued that this was not a violathe Senate for such an object. I do not, said Mr. S., as- tion of law, and that there have been instances in which sent to the estimate of the Senator. It is probably much the same thing has been done before. The law, sir, was higher than it ought to be. And as to the fund, it is quite read by me. Its terms embrace all clerks "employed the same to the people, out of what portion of the money in any post office." Mr. Temple was a clerk, and he belonging to them the expense is taken. It is theirs, and was employed, at the time, in the General Post Office we are answerable for its expenditure on proper objects. here. Did Congress mean to prohibit clerks in the petty The only question is, whether this be a proper object; post offices at a distance, where no "contract for carryand that depends upon the importance and value of the ing the mail" is made? and did they mean to admit to document itself. Of these, I have endeavored to explain this privilege, the clerks here-at the very seat of the my views, and have only to regret that the Senator did not danger which was to be avoided-where all the contracts perceive the application of my reasons to the motion. are made? The absurdity ought not to be imputed to The Senator insists that I am in favor of printing these them. The words of the law, and its reasons, both empapers for electioneering purposes. I have no anxiety to brace the case which has been mentioned. It is one avow or disavow the alleged object. All elections, under which is accompanied by most suspicious circumstances. our institutions, are, or ought to be, tests of public opin- The route not advertised-the strange reason given for ion upon the principles of our Government, and the the omission-the bid by the clerk in the name of another faithfulness of public agents to those principles. All pub--the transfer to the clerk-the enormous increase of lic documents are designed to exhibit the history of those the allowances-the property transactions between the principles, and the conduct of officers in discharge of clerk and the officer who omitted to advertise-form a their duties. No document can be printed which is not combination, of which there is no precedent in other of some value in giving information to the people, to en- times. It looks too much like mingling allowances of able them to exercise wisely their elective franchise--an pay with purchases of private property-and is even awful right which they possess, and must perform, for worse than the large extras to those who make presents good or evil; awful, because, on its intelligent and virtu- of good wine. ous discharge, depends, not only their own present and future prosperity, but the destiny of their political institutions, and probably, in the end, of the liberties of the world. At no time, in my opinion, was this duty of more But to the precedent adduced. It is that of Phineas Bradley. It so happened that an inquiry was made many years ago, in 1816, when Mr. Meigs was Postmaster General, into certain alleged misconduct of this Depart SENATE.] clerk. ment, and this case of Phineas Bradley was one of the object for which the loan was made. The order to use it matters investigated. The report is now before me. Mr. for that object, had been given by the competent authoriBradley was a clerk, and he had an interest of 1-18th in ty. It was not the want of authority to use the treasure a contract of $2,800 a year. The committee acquitted of the nation, which rendered the loan necessary and the Postmaster General of all impropriety, as they did the proper; it was because the money provided would not answer the purpose. It was a substitution of current for Now, sir, this one precedent, which has been hunted uncurrent money. But Congress had not only appropri up, altogether fails to furnish justification or excuse. Itated the money for the support of the army, it had, also, amounted to about one hundred and fifty-five dollars, and in March, 1814, authorized a loan of twenty-five millions, was in violation of no law. No law had then forbidden and an issue of Treasury notes of ten millions; one-half clerks employed in any post office to be concerned in a of which was to be a substitute for so much of the loan contract for carrying the mail. But this contract was as should not be taken. In November, of the same year, made secretly--without publication or competition. It three millions more were authorized to be loaned; and in amounts to three or four thousand dollars per year, and that month, and in December, additional authority was was made in direct violation of a known law of the land. given to issue Treasury notes, for such amount as could So much for the precedent as to the clerk-contractor. not be obtained on loan. When, therefore, Mr. Monroe But, Mr. President, it is also insisted by the Senator applied to the Secretary of the Treasury, the Executive from Georgia, that this borrowing by the Postmaster had the authority to borrow, and also to issue Treasury General is not without precedent, and is no more a viola-notes. The first he was unable to do; the latter would tion of law than the borrowing of money from the banks not pass if issued. Congress had given authority, but of this District, by Mr. Monroe, which furnished the the credit of the Government could not command the means for the defence of New Orleans-a borrowing means; and Mr. Monroe borrowed the money, not on the which he supposes had, in its consequences, influence credit of the Government, and in the precise form of the upon the election of two Presidents of the United States. law, but on his own responsibility, and on a pledge by He regards them both as borrowing in anticipation of an him, that, when the Government could do what the law appropriation by law. The history of Mr. Monroe's act, had ordered, and the constitutional appropriation had aucompared with that of the Postmaster General, will take thorized, it should be returned. away from the latter all support from this precedent. Now, Mr. President, compare the two acts, and see What are the facts? As I understand them, they are how far this precedent is an apology for the Postmaster these: Mr. Monroe came from the State to the War De- General. Mr. Monroe acted in a state of war, when the partment, in September, 1814. Mr. Campbell had then nation was in danger, and the public safety demanded it: resigned the Treasury, and Mr. Dallas had not been ap- Mr. Barry, in a state of peace, and when no external nepointed. Mr. Monroe found the concerns of the Depart- cessity pressed him. Mr. Monroe, to meet an evil brought ment in a very deranged condition-with the enemy on by a hostile force: Mr. Barry, to meet defalcations pressing the country in various directions, and our army which his own maladministration had caused. Mr. Monin want of the means to enable it to act efficiently. It roe, after Congress had appropriated money to meet the required all the energies of a devoted mind to meet the very object: Mr. Barry, when Congress had made no apdifficulties by which Mr. Monroe was surrounded; and he propriation. Mr. Monroe, when Congress had authorized met them with a devotion that forgot self, and put in haz- the issue of its own notes to meet the service: Mr. Barry, ard his very life. Among other pressing calls upon his when Congress had assumed no such liability. Mr. Monattention, was the situation of the Southwestern frontier, roe, when Congress was apprized of the condition of the and especially of the city of New Orleans. In the course country, and the necessity for the money: Mr. Barry, of the fall, he was apprized of the danger which threat- when Congress was not only ignorant of any necessity for ened it. It must be saved, at every hazard. Anxiety the money, but had been kept in ignorance by untrue was felt lest the enemy should reach it before the com-representations of the condition of the Department. Mr. manding general, and before he should be prepared suc- Monroe, when Congress could not furnish the money: cessfully to resist. Men, arms, and money were needed. Mr. Barry, when it was perfectly within the power of The two former were ordered, and fortunately arrived in Congress to furnish it. If, after this explanation, the time. Senator from Georgia, or any other person, thinks the Mr. Monroe called on the Secretary of the Treasury for parallel holds good, or that the act of Mr. Monroe is any money, and was answered that it could not be furnished. excuse or palliation of that of Mr. Barry, 1 must leave There were Treasury notes, but they were useless-they him undisturbed in his opinion. I beg, however, to aswould not answer the purpose. The credit of the Gov-sure him, that I do not regard Mr. Monroe as borrowing ernment was gone. Application was made to the banks to the money in anticipation of an appropriation. It was lend the money on the faith of the Government, and they after an appropriation; but, if it had been in anticipation refused. What was then to be done? Must New Orleans he would not have been inexcusable. Congress had defall? Must the enemy triumph? Not if James Monroe clared war. Its exigencies must be met. Appropriations could arrest the calamity. He applied to two of the banks had been yearly made for the support of the army, from in this District, and pledged his personal responsibility the organization of the Government. The very reverse and character, and they granted what had before been of all these, was the fact, with the Post Office Department. refused. He obtained $250,000, and sent it by express; Congress had done nothing to render the money necessa and, under the smiles of Providence, New Orleans was ry-no appropriation for that Department had ever been saved, and the nation triumphed. The act of Mr. Monroe made-no one ought to have been anticipated. was self-devoted and patriotic. He furnished men, arms, The Senator from Georgia does justice to my feelings, and money; means, without which, the battle of New when he says, I will not speak of Mr. Monroe or his acts Orleans could not have been successfully fought. But but with profound respect. I shall neither speak nor think did Mr. Monroe act without legal and proper authority? of him but with the veneration due to exalted worth, and By recurring to the laws previously passed, it will be to a patriotism and public virtue which was distinguished found, that, in March preceding, nearly twenty-four mil-in the land of patriotism and public virtue. Enjoying, lions of dollars had been appropriated for the support of from my early youth, his confidence and friendship, the army. This fund was not exhausted, as I believe. shall always speak of him as I know him. He never The Legislature, in compliance with its duty and the con- needlessly violated the laws and disregarded the constitustitution, had directed the use of the money for the very tion. He never authorized corrupt expenditures of pub JUNE 11, 1834.] Reports on the Post Office. [SENATE. lic money. He loved his country, and reverenced her partment sufficient to sustain this increased expense?" institutions. If he had an aspiration strong and ardent, it But then the Postmaster General must call in his suborwas for the preservation of those institutions in their dinate officers, whose business it is to be informed of the purity. If he had a hope and a wish, animated in life, state of the general accounts, and if they fail to inform prevalent in death, it was for the perpetuity of those in him correctly, and he is led into error, he surely ought stitutions, and the prosperity and glory of his country. not to be held responsible. Let not his acts, I entreat you, be summoned to the aid of those who trample on the constitution and the laws. If it be true, Mr. President, that this act of Mr. Monroe has influenced the election of two Presidents, I earnestly hope that the acts of the Postmaster General may not produce the election of a third. And I beg to say to the Senator from Georgia, when he attributes so much to the agency of Mr. Monroe in procuring the victory of New Orleans, that he treads on dangerous ground. Others, who oppose this administration, have not been permitted to do so. The whole glory of that transaction is claimed as the fee-sim. ple of one individual. Sir, said Mr. B., I have to perform, on this occasion, towards this officer, the duties of a friend; but I shall, I trust, in performing the duty I owe to a friend, not derogate from the duty I owe to the people. I shall blame where I must, and acquit where I can. With respect to the observations made by the Senator from Virginia, [Mr. LEIGH,] whether the Postmaster General did or did not inform the President of the United States of the embarrassments of the Department, and whether he borrowed the money with or without the President's advice and consent; these facts enter very largely into the quantum of the offence. Now without the necessity of going largely Mr. BIBB remarked, that the question before the Sen into the report of the committee, and the statement of ate was as to the number of documents to be printed. It the minority, he would answer those inquiries. From the seemed, however, that this question had drawn into dis- message of the President himself at the opening of the cussion the management of the Post Office Department, session, I say, continued Mr. B., that the President was and some censure had been applied against the head of informed that a loan was necessary for the Department that Department. He felt very sensibly the difficulties before a loan was made; and that he was so informed beunder which he was called on this occasion to act; and fore the present session of Congress, was proved from in relation to the Postmaster General, he had been forci- the message itself. bly struck with one of the observations which had fallen from the Senator from Virginia, that he ought not to be made to bear more responsibility than what really belong- Were not the responsibilities of the Department spoken ed to him, and that, on investigation, it might turn out that of? Were not improvements beyond the capacity of the there was another on whom the responsibility ought prop. Department spoken of? And could any man, who read erly to fall. Sir, said Mr. B., my opinions with regard the message, doubt that the President was informed that to the Postmaster General are well known; and I take the Department required these loans? Mr. B. owed it this occasion now to say, that I believe him to be an hon- as a duty to the Postmaster General, to ask of the comest and confiding man; and while I do not pretend to jus-mittee to call on him, and inquire whether he gave the tify the borrowing of money by the Department, I cannot President this information, and whether he borrowed this believe him to be solely culpable. From his knowledge money with his advice and consent. No part of the blame of the man, Mr. B. said, and from the manner in which for these acts ought to rest on the head of the Postmaster the business of the Department has been subdivided, he General; and, unless the man was greatly changed, unought not to bear the whole blame for any embarrass-less there was something in the atmosphere of Washingments into which it had fallen. Let him bear so much of ton which curdled the blood, that man was incapable of the responsibility as justly belongs to him, and let others acting improperly, or concealing his conduct. bear the responsibility justly belonging to them. It would quitted him, therefore, from these charges, and he acreadily be perceived that it was not possible for any one quitted, from the evidence in the message of the Presihuman intellect to superintend all and every minutia of dent itself. [Here Mr. B. quoted that part of the President's message.] He ac a Department so extensive as the Post Office. The Post It had been some time since he read the life of Lord Office laws were framed on this idea, and, under the dic- Chancellor Bacon; but, in reading the history of those tates of common sense, provided the head of the Depart-times, he found there was a certain Buckingham who ment with two Assistants, over whom he presides. Con- managed the Government, and indeed, managed Bacon tracts and extra allowances, it was admitted, were made himself; and the result was, that Bacon was compelled, by under his superintendence; but it belonged to the two the terrors of the times, into self-condemnation, to screen Assistant Postmasters General to make them, and to car- Buckingham, the corrupt minion of a corrupt court. He ry them into effect, while the Postmaster General had would not pretend to say that his friend, Mr. Barry, was nothing to do but to superintend and control generally, the equal of Lord Bacon in point of intellect; but among and to act, when called on by his Assistants, in cases of all honorable men, he has the reputation of talents and difficulty. This has been the practice from the time of virtue; and he feared that there were many Buckingthe establishment of the Department down to the present hams at work in the Post Office at least. It was, perday. It must, therefore, be perceived, that when these haps, an error of judgment on the part of the Post:nasextra allowances were made, many of them were made ter General, that he did not instantly, on ascertaining the without the knowledge of the Postmaster General. deficiency of the Department, make the facts known to Congress. But had he done so, how many Buckinghams would have found themselves impeached, he would not pretend to say. It had been a settled principle of the Government for many years past, that this Department should sustain itself from its own resources; and, except in time of war, to permit the whole of its receipts to be expended within Sir, said Mr. B., I know well how the head of the Post itself, in extending its mail routes, and in increasing the Office Department is pressed from every quarter for the accommodations of the community. It was therefore the purpose of making these improvements and expeditions duty of the officers of this Department, in making these on mail routes. He had seen something of it; so much extra allowances, to see that they were not exceeding its so, that, he believed, you could hardly go along any mail capacity. Now, when an appeal was made to the Post-line of the United States without hearing of the improvemaster General himself, to extend a mail route-for in-ments that were wanted. Take any mail route, and what stance, to run a mail from Philadelphia direct to New Or- was the result? The contractor had nothing to do but to leans, deemed very important to the commercial world-get every tavern-keeper on the line, and every man who the inquiry must be made, "Are the receipts of the De-lived within five miles of it, to sign a petition, and say SENATE.] Reports on the Post Office. [JUNE 11, 1834. that the proposed improvement is desirable, and then fund, and he thought so still. Nothing which had ocsend it on to the Department. What, then, was the Post-curred had shaken this conviction. The Senator from master General to do in such a case? He must either at- New Jersey had expressed surprise that any alarm should tend to it himself, or he must have Assistants who are exist, as to the publication of these documents. Where competent to do so; and if they act, or by their informa- did the Senator see any indications of this alarm? It was tion lead him into error, he surely ought not to be held responsible. not in the power of the majority of the Senate to prevent these publications. When gentlemen looked at the character of the newspapers, and the spirit with which they were conducted, they must feel satisfied that no expenditure on the part of the Senate was necessary to publish these documents, if they were required for party purAgain: the Postmaster General has, in a great measure, poses. The publication would be made, and the only his reputation placed in the keeping of persons whom question was, whether the contingent fund should be put he did not himself select, but took them on the advise-in requisition to defray the expense. Gentlemen said that ment of others; and he (Mr. B.) did advise him that, it was the practice of the Senate to publish extraordinary when he should find it necessary to displace any persons numbers of documents. They certainly had published from office, to fill their places with his own friends--with 6,000, and, perhaps, on some occasions, as many as men allied to him by personal and political considerations, 10,000; but scarcely ever more than 6,000 of the most and for whose integrity and capacity he could himself interesting documents, and, in many cases, this was done vouch. But he has been confiding, and therefore should without necessity. They did spread 6,000 of the Presinot be made more responsible than his own acts deserve. dent's protest. In what manner the extra allowances have been made, Mr. B. would not say, but he was free to declare, that they were unauthorized, and that he would not vote a dollar for them. They must be paid out of the savings of the Department, for the Treasury should not be burdened to reimburse unauthorized allowances. By refusing this reimbursement, Congress would, in that way, say to the Departments, When you borrow money you must do it on your own responsibility, and know the fund from which it is to be paid. There was a great disposition, Mr. B. said, on the part of contractors and others, to benefit themselves at the expense of the Government, and to lay the responsibility on the Department. [Several voices: Not the protest.] Mr. F. resumed. He begged pardon; not the protest. The protest did not find favor here; but they had printed 6,000 copies of the veto message. But the protest had been spread as widely as any document. If they wish to ensure the publication of a document, the best mode was to attempt to suppress it. Was there any utility in this publication? No. The fact that abuses exist, (corruption if you please,) if they do exist, will be fixed in the public opinion, without the aid of the contingent fund, for elec The Senator from New Jersey had referred to the mon- tioneering purposes. The document will be circulated, ey raised by Mr. Monroe for the defence of New Or- and it will not be of the slighest importance to the people leans, and contended that it was not a case in point, be whether the reports have been drawn up with partiality cause the money had already been appropriated by act or not. If the affairs of the Department have been justly of Congress, though the funds in the Treasury were not administered, that was all that was necessary. All this available, and, therefore, Mr. Monroe did not act without trash and investigation of private accounts, would amount sufficient authority. In this he entirely concurred with to nothing with the people. If the Senate did their duty, that gentleman. He himself knew an instance in which the evil would be corrected, and the criminals would be a gentleman of Kentucky, a paymaster, raised $100,000 punished before 30,000 of these reports could be sent for the service of the Government on his own responsi- forth. bility, not because there was no appropriation, for the The Senator from New Jersey had adverted to an irreg money was raised, but because it would not pass. He had ular exercise of power by James Monroe; and he had a draft of the Paymaster General, and could not raise the told the Senate plainly, that in that instance there was no money on it; he therefore put his own name on the draft, violation of law. But if there was no violation of law in and got a loan for the amount. This act of Governor that case, there was none in this latter transaction. But Shelby was no violation of the law, for the appropriation this was not the correct view. There was violation of was made, and such money as the Government had was law in both cases. The first was done with the consent placed in his bands; but it not being available, he was of the President of the United States, but it did not ap. obliged to raise money that would pass on his own re-pear that the second was. Whether it was so, or not, was sponsibility, rather than the service of the Government not the loan a loan for the Department, and solely for the should suffer. purpose of the Department? It was paid to the head of Now, as to the question of printing, before the Senate, a Department for the uses of the Department. But the Mr. B. said he should not, from any consideration of per- Senator from New Jersey stated, that in the case of Mr. sonal friendship to Major Barry, withhold from the pub- Monroe, there had been a previous appropriation made lic the necessary information contained in the reports and for the War Department. So there was. But, was it documents; nor would he, from any pitiful considerations contended that, whenever a previous appropriation had of a pecuniary nature, withhold from them a sufficient been made, a Department had a right to go to the banks number of copies. He should, for himself, prefer a less for the money, in anticipation of the usual course? Gennumber of copies than proposed by the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. MANGUM,] though he was willing to vote for the motion as it was. tlemen seemed to have forgotten the curious and anomalous character of the Post Office Department. What money came into that branch, was there under the entire Mr. FORSYTH said that gentlemen had all day been control of the head of the Department, and passed engaged in discussing the merits of this report, and in through his hands in countless thousands. But when any criticising the conduct of the Department. He did not of the surpluses of this Department went into the treas intend to follow their example. He saw that there was ury, they were then beyond the power of the Depart a great difference of opinion in the committee, and he ment. No appropriation was ever made from the treasury should feel it to be his duty to examine the papers, and for the Department, beyond what was necessary for the to act as he should feel justified by that examination. payment of clerks. So that there being no previous ap The only question under consideration now, was, as to propriation, could make no difference. He did not say printing an extraordinary number of the reports. When that the cases were exactly parallel. Nor was he now this additional number was proposed, he had thought it disposed to go into the merits of this case, as he had not a useless and wasteful expenditure of the contingent yet looked into the reports. He would take an opportu |