rations, by advancing into the enemy's country, as Gen. Harmar had done before.

On the 3d of November, Gen. St. Clair, had reached the vicinity of the Miami villages, with an army of about 1400 strong, regulars and militia, when he was joined by a small force under the command of Gen. Hamtrank.

In this position Gen. St. Clair, concerted measures to advance against the Miami villages; first by constructing a. breast-work to cover his baggage, and next by detaching a party of militia to occupy a position about one fourth of a mile in advance of the main army.

Thus posted, the general contemplated to commence the work of destruction the next morning; but the enemy, alive to their safety, surprised the militia at break of day the next morning; put them to flight, and pursued them with such fury as to drive them back with great disorder upon the main body. Gen. St. Clair beat to arms, and put himself at the head of his troops to cover the flying militia, and repulse the enemy; but all in vain, the action continued, the enemy appeared upon all sides of the American army; poured in a deadly fire from the surrounding thicket, that strewed the field with heaps of the wounded, the dead, and the dying.

Such was the fury of the contest, that the savages rushed to the combat, and penetrated even to the mouths of the cannon, regardless of danger, and fearless of death; the artillerists were slain, the guns taken, and the enemy penetrated the camp; where Gen. Butler fell mortally. wounded. Gen. St. Clair ordered the charge of the bayonet to be renewed; the order was promptly obeyed by Majors Butler, Clark, and Drake; the enemy were repulsed, the camp was cleared, and the cannon recovered; but such was the destruction of the enemy's fire from the thickets, that Gen. St. Clair ordered Maj. Clark to charge the enemy in front, and clear the road that the army might

effect a retreat, and thus be saved from total ruin; this order was promptly obeyed, the road was cleared, and the army commenced a flight, which was closely pursued about four miles, when the savages returned to share the spoils of the camp, and left Gen. St. Clair at liberty to pursue his flight to Fort Jefferson, (about thirty miles.) Here he was rejoined by the regiment under Maj. Hamtrank, and he called a council of war to decide on their future operations; it was resolved to pursue their retreat to Fort Washington, which was accordingly accomplished.

The severity of this bloodly action may be seen by the following statement of the losses of the American army. Thirty-eight commissioned officers killed in action.

Five hundred and ninety-three non-commissioned officers and privates killed and missing.

Twenty-one commissioned officers wounded, (several died of their wounds.) Two hundred and forty-two non-commissioned officers and privates, also wounded; the whole American camp and artillery fell into the hands of the

enemy.

Seldom has it fallen to the lot of the historian to record a more signal overthrow than this, sustained by the army under the command of Gen. St. Clair.

Such was the uneasiness of the public mind, that the general requested a court martial to investigate the causes, and report upon his conduct; but there were not left in the army officers of rank, of a sufficient number to constitute a court.

Congress gratified the wishes of the general, by appointing a special committee, near the close of the session, to hold a court of inquiry, who exculpated the general in explicit terms, and the public mind became quiet.

Congress took the alarm, and attempted to arrest the depredations which were expected to result from these signal successes of the enemy, by augmenting the army,

and thus putting the frontiers in a state of defence. A bill was accordingly introduced, which met with an opposition more warm and pointed, than any that had hitherto agitated that house; but the bill was finally carried, and a committee appointed, as a committee of ways and means to make provision for the support of this army. This committee directed the secretary of the treasury to devise means, and report to the house; here opened another sharp conflict of wordy war, which was finally closed by the acceptance of the report of the secretary of the treasury; and Congress adjourned.

With the adjournment of Congress their conflicting passions closed; but they carried the seeds of them into their retirement, where they were sown amongst their constituents, and where they became general throughout the nation. Thus we have witnessed the origin of party, the causes that produced it, and some slight effects that have resulted from those causes.

I shall avoid all remarks, either upon the original, or subsequent causes; but proceed to disclose their effects in the subsequent narrative, with all that impartiality, the nature, importance, and delicacy of the subject demands; as far as my pen can be controuled by the principles of candour, and of truth.

The bold measures devised, and pursued by the secretary of the treasury, gave an early alarm to the secretary of state, which grew and acquired strength, as the administration progressed, until it issued in open, and irreconcileable variance, and opposition.

The fundamental principles of this variance, and opposition, were a jealousy, that the one was the advocate for too great an accession of power to the administration, or rather to the constitution, through the executive, and that the other was disposed to place more dependence on the state governments, than was consistent with the safety of

the general government, and the nation, and here they were at issue.

Perhaps it may be said with truth, that the nation had never witnessed a more interesting, and important crisis, than this, in fixing the first principles of the federal government, and in giving the first energies to its operations. Perhaps it may with equal truth be said, that at no one time had God caused a coincidence of events, to bring into action so great a combination, or rather effort of character, as is here displayed in that of the executive, and his two secretaries; characters widely different, yet each one, for the station in which he was called to act, the greatest, that this nation, or perhaps any other, could have produced.

Mr. Hamilton, who had been born and educated under a monarchical government,* possessed high, and correct views, of well organized, efficient government, and as a wise and able financier, endeavoured to give to the federal government, that permanence, and energy, that should render it the palladium of the nation.

Mr. Jefferson, who had been born, and educated in America, and who well understood the genius of the American character; who had lived through that period which has been noticed in the former part of this volume, under the title of causes that led to the revolution, as well as through the revolutionary war, and knew full well with what a jealous eye the Americans guarded their liberties; saw, or thaught he saw, that Mr. Hamilton, by attempting to gain too much, might endanger the whole, and call forth the same opposition against the federal government, which had been exerted against the British government.

Upon this ground the secretaries were at issue; and between the strife, and variance of two men, of such dis

tinguished, and such popular talents, the wisdom, virtue, integrity, and high popularity of the executive held a balance, that preserved the government, and kept the nation steady. This strife of party, became so alarming, as well as painful to the president, that he addressed to Mr. Jefferson the following letter, bearing date August 23d, 1792. After remarking upon the foreign relations of the government, the president thus proceeds.—

"How unfortunate, and how much is it to be regretted then, that while we are encompassed on all sides with avowed enemies, and insiduous friends, internal dissentions should be harrowing, and tearing our vitals. The last to me, is the most serious, the most alarming, and the most affecting of the two; and without more charity for the opinions of one another, in governmental matters, or some more infallible criterion by which the truth of speculative opinions, before they have undergone the test of experience, are to be fore-judged, than has yet fallen to the lot of fallibility, I believe it will be difficult, if not impracticable to manage the reins of government, or to keep the parts of it together; for if instead of laying our shoulders to the machine, after measures are decided on, one pulls this way and another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder, and in my opinion, the fairest prospect of happiness, and prosperity that ever was presented to man, will be lost forever.

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'My earnest wish, and my fondest hope therefore is, that instead of wounding suspicions, and irritating charges, there may be liberal allowances, and mutual forbearances, and temporising yielding on all sides. Under the exercise of these, matters will go on smoothly; and if possible more prosperously. Without them, every thing must rub; the wheels of government will clog, our enemies will